Showing posts with label Kilmore Cathedral. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Kilmore Cathedral. Show all posts

31 December 2021

With the Saints through Christmas (6):
31 December 2021, William Bedell

Bishop William Bedell of Kilmore (right) with Archbishop William Sancroft of Canterbury (left) in a window in the chapel of Emmanuel College, Cambridge (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)

Patrick Comerford

Christmas is a season that continues for 40 days until the Feast of the Presentation or Candlemas (2 February).

As the year comes to an end, and as we prepare for a new year, I am taking some time early this morning, before this day begins, for prayer, reflection and reading.

I am continuing my Prayer Diary on my blog each morning, reflecting in these ways:

1, Reflections on a saint remembered in the calendars of the Church during Christmas;

2, the day’s Gospel reading;

3, a prayer from the USPG prayer diary.

Emmanuel College, Cambridge … William Bedell was an undergraduate and later a fellow (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)

William Bedell (1571-1642) is an oft-neglected bishop of the Church of Ireland among the Caroline divines, yet he is remembered in Ireland for his insistence while he was the fifth Provost of Trinity College Dublin that divinity students there should learn the Irish language to enhance their ministry to all the people, and for his commitment at Trinity and as Bishop of Kilmore to undertaking the translation of the Bible into Irish.

William Bedell was born 450 years ago, at the end of December 1571, at Black Notley, a mile outside Braintree in Essex, although the exact date of his birth is not known. He was the second of three sons and six children of John Bedell, a yeoman, and his wife Elizabeth (née Aliston or Elliston). His grandfather and father were both men of strong religious convictions, and the grandfather was known as a stern disciplinarian. William’s maternal family had Puritan sympathies.

At the age of 12, William was sent to Emmanuel College, Cambridge, a new foundation that had become a centre of Puritan influence. There he became a student of Laurence Chaderton (1536-1640), the first Master of Emmanuel, and found a mentor in the Puritan theologian, William Perkins (1558-1602) of Christ’s College, a prominent and vigorous anti-Roman polemicist. Bedell was admitted a pensioner at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, in Michaelmas Term, 1 November 1584, and he matriculated in Lent 1585. On 12 March 1585, he was elected a scholar, the nineteenth scholar on the list from the foundation of Emmanuel College.
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Bedell graduated BA in 1589, proceeded MA in 1592, and in 1593 he was elected a fellow of his college, the fourteenth fellow on the list from the foundation, including the first three fellows nominated by the founder, Sir Walter Mildmay.

Mildmay had designed Emmanuel College as a place of education for the ordained ministry. As a fellow, Bedell became the catechist of the students in the doctrines of the Christian faith, a task similar to the early offices held by Lancelot Andrewes at Pembroke, William Perkins at Christ’s, and John Preston at Queens’.

Bedell was ordained priest by John Sterne, the Suffragan Bishop of Colchester, on 10 January 1597. He received the degree BD in 1599, and acted as Bursar of Emmanuel College in 1601. In 1602, he was appointed Vicar of Saint Mary’s in Bury St Edmunds, one of the largest parish churches in England.

Punters in summer sunshine on the Backs in Cambridge … there are no university records of Bedell receiving the degree DD in 1602 (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)

When Perkins, died in 1602, Bedell bought his library. By then he was known for his scholarship in theology, the Bible and the classics, and was proficient in Arabic, Chaldean, Greek, Hebrew, Latin and Syriac. His reputation as a linguist led Italian friends in Venice to ask him to compile an English grammar.

His son William, along with other biographers, including Gilbert Burnet, HJ Monck, ES Shuckburgh and other biographers say Bedell received the degree DD at the University of Cambridge in 1602, and Aidan Clarke suggests that receiving this doctorate terminated his fellowship of Emmanuel College. However, this last degree is not recorded by Venn or in other university sources.

William Bedell was chaplain to Sir Henry Wooton, the English ambassador in Venice, from 1607 to 1610 (Photograph: Patrick Comerford, 2021)

Bedell left England in 1607 when he was appointed chaplain to Sir Henry Wooton (1568-1639), then the English ambassador in Venice. He stayed in Venice for almost four years, acquiring a reputation as a scholar and a theologian. He studied Hebrew there with the rabbi of the synagogue in the ghetto, Leon da Modena, added Italian to his repertoire of languages, and acted as a theological mentor to the leaders of the anti-papal party in Venice.

At the time, Venice was in conflict with the Papacy under Paul V and was resisting the Papal claims to ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the city. The Senate of Venice asserted its right to veto clerical appointments, to control church building, and to put the clergy on trial in civic court. In response, the Pope had placed Venice under an interdict in April 1606, and ordered the Jesuits and other religious orders to leave.

Bedell arrived in Venice at the closing stages of the dispute and after the interdict had been lifted. In common with other Englishmen in Venice at the time, he had expectations of converting the Venetians to the Reformation, and became a close friend of the reformer Paolo Sarpi, a Servite friar. After an the attempt to assassinate Sarpi, Bedell wrote a few days later to his friend, Dr Samuel Ward, later Master of Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, saying: ‘I hope this accident will awake him a little more and put some more spirit into him, which is his only want.’

Bedell wrote a series of sermons with Sarpi’s disciple, Fulgenzio Micanzo, circulated a translation of the Bible in Italian, and translated The Book of Common Prayer into Italian, published posthumously as Il libro delle preghiere publiche ed administrazione de sacramenti ... secundo l’uso della chiesa Anglicana (London, 1685). However, by the time he returned to England in 1610, the Pope and the Doge had been reconciled through the mediation of Henry IV of France, Venice had returned to the Papal fold, and Sarpi’s influence in the city had waned.

Bedell returned to England through Constantinople in 1610, accompanied by Dr Jasper Despotine, a Venetian Protestant, who became a medical practitioner in Bury St Edmunds. Bedell too moved to Bury St Edmunds, and there he married Leah Mawe (née L’Estrange, or Bowles), widow of the town’s Recorder, Robert Mawe, who died in 1609, on 29 January 1612. She was the mother of two sons and a daughter, and they had four more children: William (born 14 February 1613); Grace (born 29 May 1614); John (born 9 August 1616); and Ambrose (born 21 March 1618). Grace and John died young while William and Ambrose survived to adulthood.

In England, Bedell assisted in the publication of a translation of Sarpi’s histories of the Council of Trent, the Interdict, and the Inquisition. In 1615, he was presented by Sir Thomas Jermyn as Rector of Horningsheath in Suffolk, near Bury St Edmunds, then in the Diocese of Norwich. He successfully resisted an exorbitant demand by the Bishop of Norwich, John Jegon, a former master of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, for induction fees.

Bedell remained rector of the parish for 12 years, and might have been happy to continue living in comparative obscurity but for a chance encounter in Cheapside with a Venetian friend, Giovanni Diodati, when they were both visiting London. Diodati introduced Bedell to Thomas Morton, Bishop of Lichfield, and that chance encounter and introduction led to Bedell’s name being suggested for the position of Provost of Trinity College Dublin, which became vacant in 1627 after Sir William Temple died in office on 15 January.

The candidates for provost favoured by the Vice-Chancellor of Dublin University and Archbishop of Armagh, James Ussher, included the Puritan Richard Sibbes of Gray’s Inn and the millenarian Joseph Mede of Cambridge. Neither was acceptable to the future Archbishop of Canterbury, William Laud, who would become the Chancellor of the university in 1633, and neither could secure the support of the majority senior fellows and junior fellows.

Eventually, Laud and Ussher agreed on William Bedell, who had no prior connections with Ireland. Wooton brought Bedell’s name to the attention of Laud, and wrote to King Charles I in praise of Bedell’s learning, life and Christian temper: ‘I think hardly a fitter man for that charge could have been propounded unto your Majesty in your whole kingdom, for singular erudition and piety, conformity to the rites of your Church and zeal to advance the cause of God.’

Sidney Sussex College Cambridge … Bedell wrote to Samuel Ward expressing his sense of uncertainty about moving to Dublin (Photograph: Patrick Comerford

At first, Bedell was not interested in moving to Ireland with his family. He was happy in his Suffolk parish, and thought it would be hazardous to take his wife and children to a strange land. On 15 March 1627, he wrote to his friend Samuel Ward of Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, repeating his sense of uncertainty, expressing his contentment with his present situation and explaining how ignorant he was of the situation in Dublin.

However, he told Ward he was prepared to overlook his own convenience in order to obey the will of God. On the nomination of King Charles and the Archbishop of Canterbury, and on the advice of Ussher, the Fellows of Trinity College Dublin voted for Bedell as Provost, although Bedell later reported in England that vote had not been unanimous.

After much consideration, Bedell gave up his ‘competent living of above £100 a year, in a good air and seat, with a very convenient house, near to my friends, a little parish, not exceeding the compass of my weak voice.’ He arrived in Dublin on 13 August, 1627 and was sworn in as Provost on 20 August.

He returned briefly to England, and felt his plans for reforming the college were being undermined by Ussher and his allies. He confided to Ward that he was thinking of resigning as Provost. However, Ussher refused to accept Bedell’s resignation, and eventually, but with some hesitance and apprehension, he resigned his parish and returned to Dublin in July 1628. He lived the rest of his days in Ireland.

The chapel of Trinity College Dublin … as Provost, Bedell restored discipline to chapel observances (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)

Once in office in as Provost of Trinity College Dublin, Bedell set to work vigorously and conscientiously. He restored discipline among the fellows and students, especially in regard to chapel observances. He produced a complete and ordered version of the statutes. He instituted the reading of a chapter of the New Testament during Commons by a native Irish speaker, introduced prayers in Irish in the chapel, composed the college’s Latin graces, prescribed that no married man should be admitted a Fellow or Scholar, and formalised Sir William Temple’s distinction between Senior and Junior Fellows by explicitly excluding Junior Fellows from the government of the college and the election of a Provost.

King Charles later observed that by Bedell’s “care and good government there hath been wrought great reformation to our singular contentment.”

Bedell is often regarded as most forward-looking as Provost when it comes to fostering Irish studies in Trinity College Dublin. However, he was motivated less by literary or historical considerations than by his desire to give ordinands in the Church of Ireland the ability to preach to the native Irish in their own language.

Half a century earlier, in April 1576, the Chief Governor of Ireland, Henry Sydney (1529-1586), had commended to Queen Elizabeth a proactive mission strategy that included seeking out university-trained preachers in England who were competent in Irish or, in their absence, Gaelic-speaking preachers from Scotland. Sydney also urged the appointment of Irish-speaking bishops so that ‘thousands would be gained for Christ.’

Things had changed little in Ireland 25 years later, however, and in 1602 Francis Bacon wrote to William Cecil in similar vein, pointing to the need for ‘Bibles, catechisms, and other books of instruction [in] the Irish language.’

Bedell employed Murtagh King (Muircheartach Ó Cionga) to teach Irish at Trinity. Ó Cíonga was a member of a bardic family from Kilcoursey in Co Offaly, known as poets and scribes, and drafted legal documents for their patrons, the Fox and Mageoghegan families.

King first appears are as Murtagh O Kinge of Kilcolly and Murtho O King of Fox’s County in legal documents the 1590s. In the 1610s, he was an agent and receiver to Lord Lambert’s lands near Athlone, Co Westmeath. From 1627 he was employed by Bedell to teach Irish to himself and students in Trinity College, and under Bedell’s influence he conformed to the Church of Ireland.

He insisted as little as possible on the differences with respect to doctrine between Catholic and Protestant, bringing him into conflict with the Puritan party in the college, especially with Dr Joshua Hoyle, Professor of Divinity.

A plaque at Kilmore Cathedral recalls the former bishop (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)

In 1629, probably on the nomination of William Laud, then Bishop of London and later Archbishop of Canterbury, Bedell was appointed Bishop of Kilmore and Ardagh. Archbishop Ussher of Armagh was warned by his agent in London that a plot was being mounted by Laud and others to have Ussher removed as Vice-Chancellor of the university of Dublin, but Laud sought to pacify him, denying that he was trying to remove him and claiming ‘I heartily love’ the freedom granted in Trinity’s charter.

Bedell was consecrated bishop on 13 September 1629 in Saint Peter’s Church, Drogheda, by Ussher, assisted by Robert Echlin, Bishop of Down, Theophilus Buckworth, Bishop of Dromore, and James Spottiswood, Bishop of Clogher. However, Bedell found the amalgamated dioceses in a deplorable state. Shortly after arriving in Kilmore, he wrote to Laud telling him that ‘the plantations are raw and the churches ruined.’ He told Laud that his cathedral was ‘without Bell or Steeple, Font or Chalice.’

He devoted much of his energies to repairing the cathedral and to refurbishing other churches in the diocese, often with the assistance of his Roman Catholic friends and neighbours. In the face of much opposition he devoted himself to relieving the great hardship and poverty among his people.

He was asked by the court of the Plantation Commission to ‘lay out’ the town of Virginia, Co Cavan, after complaints from the residents about the landlords’ failure to build the town and to provide a church for worship.

‘He observed with much regret that the English had all along neglected the Irish, as a nation not only conquered but undisciplinable, and that the clergy had scarce considered them as part of their charge, but had left them wholly in the hands of their own priests, without taking any other care of them, but the making them pay their tithes.’

He started to reform the abuses he found in the diocese, and as a first step towards a remedy he took action against pluralists. This thrust him into immediate conflict with the Dean of Kilmore, Nicholas Bernard, a former chaplain to Ussher, and to sharp exchanges between Bedell and Ussher.

On the day of Bedell’s consecration, Ussher asked the new bishop to grant a benefice to Bernard, which would have been the dean’s fourth preferment. Bernard too had been educated at Cambridge, and later became Oliver Cromwell’s chaplain. Bedell refused Ussher’s request on the grounds that Bernard could not minister to a parish where the people spoke Irish. However, Bernard circumvented the bishop and obtained the appointment to the parish through a decree issued by the Primate’s Prerogative Court.

Bedell complained to Ussher, telling the archbishop that Bernard could not preach without using the services of an interpreter and was interested not in the pastoral care of his parishioners but only in the stipend that allowed him ‘to fat himself with the blood of God’s people.’

He sided with the Roman Catholics of Kilmore against the excesses of Alan Cooke, the chancellor of the diocese. He suspended Cook in 1629 on the pretext that were flaws in his patent of appointment, and sat in his own diocesan court and acted as judge himself. He told Ussher: ‘So long as the officers of our court prey on them [the people], they esteem us no better than publicans and wordlings … if the honestest and best of our Protestants be thus scandalised, what may we think of papists such as are all in a manner that we live among?’

Bedell told Ussher the Primate’s courts were corrupt, and he repeated this accusation in a letter to Laud on 7 August 1630: ‘This man was more burdensome to that part of the country than the contribution to the soldiers.’

Although Ussher had previously removed Cooke from a similar post in Meath for similar reasons, he was abrupt in his reply to Bedell. He held that Cooke was sufficiently qualified for the position, and the church courts found that Cooke had legally acquired the right as chancellor. Ussher accused Bedell of pulling down houses that others had spent a long time building, and of building castles in the air.

In the end, although he continued to be active in his diocesan court, the bishop was unable to remove his chancellor. Laud went so far as to regret that other bishops had not followed Bedell’s example in putting down abuses.

As a prime means of gaining the hearts of the people, Bedell studied the Irish language and encouraged the use of Irish. His only work in Irish to be published in his lifetime was his Aibgitir i Theaguisg Cheudtosugheadh an Chriostaide or The ABC or the Institution of a Christian was printed in Dublin in 1631. It contains letters, numbers, catechetical staples such as the Lord’s Prayer and the Ten Commandments, four New Testament passages, and a number of prayers, all in parallel English and Irish texts.

In 1633, he resigned the See of Ardagh, where he had encountered opposition from Anglicans and Roman Catholics alike for reaching out to the Irish. However, he retained the See of Kilmore so he could concentrate on developing that diocese further and oversaw the renovation of neglected church buildings.

In very petulant terms, Ussher censured Bedell for learning Irish and for preaching to the people of his diocese in the only language they knew. In this, Ussher showed how he shared the prejudices of his class, in direct opposition to the principle of the Reformation which supported the translation of the Scriptures and the Liturgy into the vernacular.

But Bedell believed that the Irish too had souls which ought not to be neglected until such time as they should learn Irish. Undaunted by Ussher’s words of censure, Bedell commissioned the translation of the whole Bible into the language.

The translation was undertaken by the Church of Ireland Rector of Templeport, the Revd Murtagh King of Templeport, Co Cavan, who had been employed by Bedell to teach Irish at Trinity College Dublin and who was ordained priest by Bedell on 23 September 1633. However, Ussher had King removed and replaced by the Revd William Bayly, claiming King was ill and unfit. Bayly had been ordained without Bedell’s consent by Cooke’s father-in-law, the Bishop of Kilfenora, and his standard of Latin ‘caused much merryment.’

Bedell excommunicated Bayly as an intruder, but the Primate’s Court overruled Bedell; Bedell refused to recognise the court’s competence, but he found he was unable to restore King to his parish.

Bedell persisted, and in February 1634 he wrote to his friend Ward in Sidney Sussex College telling him: ‘I am purposed with God’s assistance to set forth the Bible in the Irish tongue, which I have caused to be translated, and am now causing to be written out fair … I purpose, if God sends me life, to add some Homilies chosen out of the Fathers.’

Bedell revised the whole work himself, comparing it with the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin so he could correct the errors in the English. He made preparations to print the work at his own house, and also translated into Irish and printed and circulated some of his sermons and homilies, and a catechism in English and Irish.

The bishop led a simple life and travelled for miles on foot or on horse, travelling the dangerous byways to visit distant parts of his diocese. He provided assistance to those who conformed to the Church of Ireland, enabling them to study for the ministry.

Bedell complained to Laud that that Ussher on his visitations to the Diocese of Kilmore usurped ‘all episcopal rights … every three years.’ In 1638, he called a synod of all the priests in the Diocese of Kilmore to discuss lax discipline and to draft canons for his and their guidance.

Cooke and Bayly secured an order from Ussher forbidding Bedell to do anything to the prejudice of Dr Cook and ordering him to reverse the order of excommunication against Bayly. They also used the opportunity to claim that Bedell had contravened the constitution of the Church of Ireland by calling the synod and enacting canons. Bedell confided his troubles to Laud in a letter on 24 May 1639. In his reply on 28 June, Laud regretted that the bishops had not supported Bedell and agreed that the canons were not exceptional. However, he suggested that the times might not be congenial for experiments like this.

Cooke and Bayly took their case against Bedell to the King in Chancery in 1639, but their case were probably not resolved before the rebellion of 1641 broke out.

With the outbreak of the Irish Rebellion of 1641, the local warlords, led by the O’Reillys, took control of the area. Bedell refused to flee to England and decided to remain with his people. As the war unfolded, he continued to minister in his church and refused many offers of refuge, including those of his Roman Catholic counterpart, Bishop Eugene Sweeney. The O’Reillys ‘gave comfortable words to the bishop’ and Bedell’s house at Kilmore, Co Cavan, was left untouched, becoming a place of refuge for people seeking shelter from the rebels.

The respect he shows for Roman Catholics in his writings and discussions was reflected in the way which he and the many fugitives who crowded his house and out-offices were treated initially by the rebel leaders. He was joined by the Bishop of Elphin, Henry Tilson. They exercised their religion freely, services were held frequently, and the Bread and Wine for the Holy Communion were specially supplied for them.

His memoirs describe with emotion and feeling about the personal sufferings and outrages the English settlers endured as they were driven off their plantations, but there is nothing in his writings about the massacre so often discussed by historians. It is moving to read his account of preaching to his people from the words: ‘But thou, O Lord, art a shield for me, my glory, and the lifter up of my head. I laid me down and slept; I awaked, for the Lord sustained me. I will not be afraid of ten thousands of people, that have set themselves against me, round about.’

In the end, though, the rebels insisted upon the dismissal of all who had taken shelter in his house, and when the bishop refused he was seized and imprisoned with some others in the nearby island castle of Lough Oughter, Cloughoughter Castle. After about two months his sufferings increased. He and his sons, with others, were removed on 18 December to Loughoughter castle, a little tower in the middle of a lake, and his own house and library were spoiled by the insurgents.

He was held there for several weeks and was released only after drawing up for the insurgents their Remonstrance and Statement of Grievances for presentation to the Lords Justices, ‘pleading on their behalf for graces from King Charles.’

Bedell was now in the house of his friend, the Revd Denis Sheridan. But he continued to suffer from the effects from being in the draughty and damp castle, and never recovered from his hardships. He died of typhus on 7 February 1642. His last words were: ‘Be of good cheer, be of good cheer; whether we live or die we are the Lord’s.’

Willaim Bedell’s grave in the churchyard of Kilmore Cathedral, Co Cavan (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)

His captors acceded to Bedell’s wish to be buried in a corner of the churchyard in Kilmore, Co Cavan, beside his son, and his wife Leah, whose death in 1638 had brought him terrible grief. His funeral took place in the presence of his O’Reilly captors, the Confederate forces provided a military guard of honour at his funeral and among his pallbearers was the rebel leader Myles the Slasher.

A large military force fired a volley over his grave, crying, according to some accounts: ‘Requiescat in pace, ultimus Anglorum.’ Father Edmund Farrely, a Roman Catholic priest who was present, was heard to exclaim: ‘O sit anima mea cum Bedello!, May my soul be with Beddell’s.’ His grave is shaded by a sycamore tree, said to have been planted by his own hands.

His Irish neighbours called him optimus Anglorum – the best of the English – and his nobility, charity and ecumenism were renowned in an age of tyranny, injustice and bitter division. In true Laudian fashion, Bedell, according to his son, was ‘disposed rather to contract the differences between Protestants and Papists than to widen them.’

A copy of Bedell’s Bible in the window of a bookshop in Camden Street, Dublin, this week (Photograph: Patrick Comerford, 2021)

John 1: 1-18 (NRSVA):

1I n the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. 2 He was in the beginning with God. 3 All things came into being through him, and without him not one thing came into being. What has come into being 4 in him was life, and the life was the light of all people. 5 The light shines in the darkness, and the darkness did not overcome it.

6 There was a man sent from God, whose name was John. 7 He came as a witness to testify to the light, so that all might believe through him. 8 He himself was not the light, but he came to testify to the light. 9 The true light, which enlightens everyone, was coming into the world.

10 He was in the world, and the world came into being through him; yet the world did not know him. 11 He came to what was his own, and his own people did not accept him. 12 But to all who received him, who believed in his name, he gave power to become children of God, 13 who were born, not of blood or of the will of the flesh or of the will of man, but of God.

14 And the Word became flesh and lived among us, and we have seen his glory, the glory as of a father’s only son, full of grace and truth. 15 (John testified to him and cried out, ‘This was he of whom I said, “He who comes after me ranks ahead of me because he was before me”.’) 16 From his fullness we have all received, grace upon grace. 17 The law indeed was given through Moses; grace and truth came through Jesus Christ. 18 No one has ever seen God. It is God the only Son, who is close to the Father’s heart, who has made him known.

William Bedell depicted on a corbel on Saint Anne’s Cathedral, Belfast

The Prayer in the USPG Prayer Diary today (31 December 2021) invites us to pray:

We pray for the Diocese of Toliara as they seek to encourage active discipleship and equip lay people with the appropriate skills to serve the local communities.

Yesterday: Josephine Butler

Tomorrow: The Naming of Jesus

Scripture quotations are from the New Revised Standard Version Bible: Anglicised Edition copyright © 1989, 1995, National Council of the Churches of Christ in the United States of America. Used by permission. All rights reserved worldwide. http://nrsvbibles.org

Saint Feithlimidh’s Cathedral, Kilmore, built as a memorial to Bishop William Bedell (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)

27 February 2021

An unexpected introduction
to the descendants and
family of Bishop Bedell

Bishop William Bedell of Kilmore (right) with Archbishop William Sancroft of Canterbury (left) in a window in the chapel of Emmanuel College, Cambridge … has Bishop Bedell descendants who continued to live in Ireland? (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)

Patrick Comerford

William Bedell (1571-1642) was the Church of Ireland Bishop of Kilmore, one of the great ‘Caroline Divines,’ and the fifth Provost of Trinity College Dublin. He is remembered for undertaking the translation of the Bible into Irish, and for his martyr-like death during the violence and wars that eventually led to the Cromwellian era.

He was under house arrest when he died of typhus on 7 February 1642. His last words were: ‘Be of good cheer, be of good cheer; whether we live or die we are the Lord’s.’ During his funeral at Kilmore Cathedral, a large Irish military force fired a volley over his grave, crying, according to some accounts: ‘Requiescat in pace, ultimus Anglorum.’

Father Edmund Farrely, a Roman Catholic priest who was present, was heard to exclaim: ‘O sit anima mea cum Bedello!, May my soul be with Beddell’s.’ His grave is shaded by a sycamore tree, said to have been planted by his own hands.

Saint Feithlimidh’s Cathedral, Kilmore, built as a memorial to Bishop William Bedell (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)

Bishop Bedell had two surviving sons, William and Ambrose, who received legacies of £80 and £60 a year each.

The eldest son, the Revd William Bedell, who was the bishop’s biographer, was born in Bury in 1613. He was ordained by his father in 1634 and became Vicar of Kinawley (Derrylin, Co Fermanagh) in the Diocese of Kilmore. He married Mary Barber from Essex, and after his father’s death, they left Ireland and returned to England. They first lived Black Notley in Essex, and then in Bury. William became was the Rector of Rattlesden in 1645, and remained there until he died in March 1671.

William and Mary Bedell had eight children, of whom the eldest, Leah, was baptised at Whepstead in 1643, and the other seven at Rattlesden: William, John, James, Ambrose, Penelope, Agnes and Isabella. The Revd John Bedell succeeded his father as Rector of Rattlesden, but died the following year, 1672.

The second surviving son, Ambrose Bedell, married in Ireland before the 1641 rebellion broke out. His wife Mary was a daughter of Peter Hill, Sheriff of Co Down. After the Restoration, he had a grant of lands in Co Cavan and Co Antrim. He died there in 1683, and had no surviving children.

Willaim Bedell’s grave in the churchyard of Kilmore Cathedral, Co Cavan (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)

When I wrote a biographical sketch of Bishop Bedell for the site ‘Dead Anglican Theologians Society’ back in 2012, I said at the time, ‘It appears there are no longer any living descendants of the bishop.’

But I was wrong.

William Bedell was born at Black Notley, a mile outside Braintree in Essex, and some days ago I was contacted by David Grice, who lives near Braintree, and who is interested in Bedell’s earlier career as an Anglican priest in Venice, and who is also interested in finding Bedell’s descendants.

David Grice went to school in Queen Elizabeth’s Grammar School, where his history master was the late DP Adams, author of a history of the Comberford family and the Moat House on Lichfield Street, Tamworth (DP Adams, The Moat House and the Comberford Family, Tamworth, 1967). His schoolfriends included Archbishop Alan Harper and the Revd Stan Evans, so we found we shared many common interests.

David was sure Bishop Bedell had many Irish descendants through his eldest son, the Revd William Bedell, although William had returned to live in Essex. He pointed out that the name Bedell had continued to descend among members of the Stanford family, and he wondered whether the descendants of Bishop Bedell included the Irish-born composer Charles Villers Stanford (1852-1924) and Professor William Bedell Stanford (1910-1984), Chancellor of Dublin University and Regius Professor of Greek at Trinity College Dublin.

Genealogists must always be prepared to correct the information we present. We work on the data available at any one time, but if we come across new information, we must modify or correct how we have presented information in the past.

And so, I pursued two questions:

Did Bishop William Bedell have descendants in Ireland?

And, if so, were Charles Villiers Stanford and William Bedell Stanford among those descendants?

A plaque at Kilmore Cathedral recalls the former bishop (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)

The youngest son of Bishop Bedell, Ambrose Bedell, married Mary, only daughter of Peter Hill, Sheriff of Down, and his wife, the sister of Randall, first Earl of Antrim. When Ambrose married, his father bought part of the lands of Carne from the Revd Martin Baxter, Vicar of Kildallan.

Ambrose Bedell made a deposition on 26 October 1642 about the Cavan rebels of 1641. He was a captain in the royalist army in Colonel Arthur Hill’s regiment until 1649, and was one of the ‘’49 Officers.’ Ambrose Bedell bought adjoining lands in Carne in 1661 from Thomas Richardson. He was the High Sheriff of Cavan in 1668. In 1682, he went to London to be touched for the King’s Evil or scrofula, and later wrote to the Archbishop of Canterbury saying his health had been fully restored. Bedell died the following year, 1683, at Cavan, aged 65, and was buried beside his father in the churchyard in Kilmore.

Ambrose Bedell left his lands and two mills in Co Cavan first to his nephew James Bedell and his heirs male; and failing such to his nephew Ambrose Bedell (James Bedell’s next brother) and his heirs male; and, failing such, to his heirs next in blood to his father, Bishop William Bedell.

Annagh Church, Belturbet, Co Cavan … many members of the Stanford family are buried there (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)

So, Ambrose Bedell’s line of descent had died out, and I began searching for descendants of his brother, the Revd William Bedell, Vicar of Kinawley, Diocese of Kilmore (1634-1637) and Rector of Rattlesden, Suffolk (1644-1670). This William’s children included a daughter:

Isabella Bedell, who was born ca 1662. She married Major Daniel French of Belturbet, Co Cavan, ca 1685. He was Provost (Mayor) of Belturbet (1682, 1700), High Sheriff of Co Cavan (1690), and a JP. They were the parents of three daughters, all born after 1685:

1, Elinor.
2, Mary, who married … Fletcher.
3, Susanna, who was twice married: 1, John Britton, and had three daughters: Mary, Winifred, and Isabella; and 2, Francis Le Hunte. Susanna and Francis Le Hunte were the parents of Richard Le Hunte, of Artramont, Co Wexford, Barrister, MP for Wexford (1771-1776, and 1776-1783), died 1783.

Richard Le Hunt left Isabella Stanford his diamond ring, his little mare called Polly, and £200, while he left Artramont to his cousin, Major George Le Hunte, great-grandfather of Sir George Ruthven Le Hunte of Artramont, Governor of South Australia.

Isabella French died in 1718; her will is dated 21 June 1718, and was proved on 18 August 1718. Her eldest daughter was:

Elinor (French) married Captain John Stanford (1686-1745) on 22 November 1707. John was the eldest son of Luke Stanford (d. 1733), of Belturbet, Co Cavan, ‘a merchant of large dealing,’ and his wife Anne Hecclefield (d. 1755). John Stanford was born in Killeshandra, Co Cavan, in 1686, and was educated by a Mr Walker of Drogheda and at Trinity College Dublin (BA 1706). He was High Sheriff of Co Cavan (1734) and Co Monaghan (1741) and a JP for Co Cavan. He died in 1745.

John Stanford and Elinor (French) were the parents of three children, two sons and a daughter:

1, John Stanford (1719-1735), educated at Cavan and TCD (entered 1734). He died aged 15 in 1735.
2, Bedell Howard Stanford (1720-1776), married Elizabeth Jones, and died in Belturbet, Co Cavan. in 1776.
3, Daniel Stanford married Mary Richardson, and of whom next.
4, Anne, born 1727, married Dr Henry Richardson of Belturbet, Co Cavan. 5, Charity, married John Bradshaw.
6, Isabel.
The third son:

Daniel Stanford, of Dominick Street, Dublin, married Mary Richardson, daughter of the Revd James Richardson, in 1759. Their children included three sons and three daughters:

1, John Stanford (1760-1806), of whom next.
2, James Stanford.
3, Bedell Stanford.
1, Elinor, married the Revd Francis Eastwood.
2, Mary, baptised in Saint Mary’s Church, Dublin, 22 December 1770; she died young.
3, Isabella, married in Wexford John Brownrigg.

Daniel Stanford died in 1787. His eldest son:

John Stanford (1761-1806), of Carn, Co Cavan, and of Gloucester Street, Dublin. He was born in Co Derry. Educated at TCD (entered 1776, tutor the Revd William Richardson, FTCD, but did not graduate). He was a Barrister-at-Law and High Sheriff, Co Cavan (1789). He married at Wexford, 22 October 1784, Barbara, second daughter of Major Loftus Cliffe, and his wife Anne, daughter of William Hore, of Harperstown, Co Wexford, MP for Taghmon (1727-1731, 1741-1746). He grandmother, the Hon Dorothy Ponsonby, was a daughter of William Ponsonby, 1st Viscount Duncannon, and a sister of the 1st Earl of Bessborough.

John Stanford died in 1806. He was the father of two sons and a daughter:

1, John Stanford, dsp.
2, Bedell Stanford (1786-1857), of whom next.
3, Anne, who married Augustus Heron in 1809.

The second son:

Bedell Stanford (1786-1857), was born ca 1786. He was a captain in the Cavan militia (1807), a JP (1809), and High Sheriff of Co Cavan (1835). He married ca 1820 Elizabeth Christiana Gale, daughter of (the Revd) John Gale (1768-1842). They were the parents of:

1, Charlotte Barbara, born 1823.
2, John Woodward Stanford (1825-1904), of whom next.
3, Elizabeth Anne (1826-1907), unmarried.
4, Harriet Mary (1828-1828).
5, Frances Harriet, born 1829, married her cousin, the Revd Walter Charles Edward Kynaston.
6, Bedell Henry Stanford (1832-1842).
7, Walter Frederick Stanford (1834-1850).
8, (Revd Canon) William Bedell Stanford (1836-1929), Rector of Wishaw, Diocese of Worcester, and a canon of Christchurch, New Zealand. Educated at Baliol College Oxford. He married his cousin Harriet, daughter of (Very Revd) Frederick Owen, Dean of Leighlin, and granddaughter of (Revd) Roger Carmichael Owen, Rector of Camolin, Co Wexford, by Anne, daughter of Major Loftus Cliffe. They have living descendants.
9, Robert Loftus Stanford (1839- ). Educated Cheltenham College and Exeter College, Oxford (BA, LLB). Born Buckinghamshire 1839; he married in 1864, his cousin Louisa Owen, daughter of Dean Frederick Owen. Moved to New Zealand 1864; Stipendiary Magistrate, Wanganui.
10, Henry Bedell Stanford, married Florence Carter.

The eldest son:

John Woodward Stanford (1825-1904), of Carn, Co Cavan, and Chetwode Priory, Buckinghamshire. He married Louise Reade, and they were the parents of five sons and two daughters:

1, (Major) Henry Bedell Stanford.
2, (Revd) Charles Woodward Stanford.
3, Walter John Stanford, civil engineer.
4, (Revd) Alfred Bracebridge Stanford (1867-1895), educated Emmanuel College Cambridge, died at Mafeking in 1895.
5, Archibald Alfred Stanford.
1, Elizabeth Mary.
2, Charlotte Barbara.

The eldest son:

(Major) Henry Bedell Stanford (1861-1904), major, Royal Garrison Artillery. He was born on 9 October 1861, and married on 10 October 1887, Florence, daughter of Colonel William Frederick Carter CB and his wife Hannah Emily (Anderson); Florence was born in Halifax, Nova Scotia, in 1859. Henry died on 14 July 1904.

They were the parents of one son and two daughters:

1, Jack Stanford, of whom next.
2, Norah (1889-1960), married James Stuart and had three children.
3, Aileen.

Major Henry Bedell Stanford’s son:

Jack Stanford, born 27 July 1888. Through his descent from the French family, he became the senior representative of the descendants of William Bedell, Bishop of Kilmore.

A memorial plaque in the chapel of Trinity College Cambridge to the composer Charles Villiers Stanford (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)

So, yes, Bishop Bedell had descendants, who eventually moved to England, New Zealand and Canada. But they did not seem to include either Charles Villiers Stanford or William Bedell Stanford.

I had to search another branch of the Stanford family to find their lines of descent.

Luke Stanford (d. 1733) and his wife Ann (Hecclefield or Hucklefield), whose son John Stanford (1686-1745), who married Elinor French, Bishop Bedell’s eventual heir, was also the ancestor of the composer Charles Villiers Stanford (1852-1924), and of a well-known clerical family.

Luke Stanford came to Ireland during the reign of Charles II. He and his wife Ann were the parents of:

1, John Stanford (1686-1745), who married Elinor French (see above).
2, Luke Stanford, of whom next.
3, Thomas Stanford.
4, Anne, who married William Berkeley.
5, Hecklefield Stanford (born 1723).

The second son:

Luke Stanford (died 1774), married Anne Heart in 1751. They were the parents of:

William Luttrell Stanford (born 1752). He married Mary Poe. They were the parents of three sons and one daughter:

1, William Stanford (born 1775), of whom next.

The eldest son of William Luttrell Stanford and his wife Mary (Poe) was:

William Stanford (1775- ). He was a woollen merchant at 33 Lower Sackville Street (now O’Connell Street), Dublin, and also had a family home in Co Cavan. He married Sarah Margaret McCullan (died 1846), daughter of James McCullan KC. They were the parents of three sons and a daughter:

1, (Revd) William Henry Stanford (1801-1856), of whom next.
2, (Revd Dr) Charles Stuart Stanford (1805-1873), of whom after William Henry Stanford.
3, John James Stanford (1810-1880), of whom after Charles Stuart Stanford.
4, Mary.

The eldest son:

(The Revd) William Henry Stanford (1801-1856), born in Dublin, educated TCD (BA 1827, MA 1829), ordained deacon and priest in 1827. He was a curate in Slane, Maynooth, Birmingham, Blackburn, Bray, Stottesden and Taney (1827-1837) before becoming Perpetual Curate (vicar) of Taney (1837-1851) and Rector of Rincurran (1851-1856). He married in 1833, Esther Katharyne Peter of 1 Saint Stephen’s Green, Dublin. They were the parents of:

1, William Henry Nassau Stanford (1834-1871).
2, Adelaide Esther Katharine (born 1835), married John Hatchell Cooper.
3, (Revd) Bedell Stanford (1837-1896), of whom next.
4, Charles Edward Stuart Stanford.
5, Virginia Pauline.

Their third son:

(Revd) Bedell Stanford (1837-1895). He was born in Dublin in 1837 and educated at TCD (BA 1863, Div Test 1868). He was ordained deacon and priest in 1867 and 1868, and was curate in Castlerahan in the Diocese of Kilmore (1867-1869), curate, Saint Luke’s, Dublin (1869-1882), Assistant Chaplain, Old Molyneux Chapel (1882-1886), and curate, Saint Paul’s (1886-1894). He died in 1895.

Bedell Stanford married in 1868 Phoebe Thompson (d. 1901) of Burlington Road, Dublin, and they were the parents of an only son:

(Revd) Bedell Stanford (1873-1945). He was born in Dublin and educated at Rathmines School and TCD (BA 1896, Div Test 1897, MA 1899). He was a curate in a number of parishes before becoming Rector of Holy Trinity, Belfast (1909-1915), Diocesan Curate in Waterford (1915-1922) and curate-in-charge, Ballintemple, Diocese of Cashel (1922-1931). He died on 6 March 1945.

He married Susan Jackson of Albany Road, Ranelagh, in 1902, and they were the parents of four daughters and two sons:

1, Adela Constance Dorothy (born 1903), married William Henry Joseph Sherlock Bosanquet.
2, Helen Maud (born 1906), married Francis Thomas Hewson.
3, Charles Bedell Stanford (1908-1909).
4, William Bedell Stanford (1910-1985), Regius Professor of Greek, TCD (1940-1980), Chancellor of Dublin University (1982-1984), and a Senator (1948-1969). He was born in Belfast and was educated at Bishop Foy’s School, Waterford, and TCD He married Dorothy Isabel Wright, and they were the parents of two sons and two daughters.
5, Marjorie Kathleen (born 1912).
6, Eileen May (born 1914), married Maurice Henry Le Clerc.

The second son of William Stanford Stanford and his wife Sarah Margaret (McMullan) was:

(Canon) Charles Stuart Stanford (1805-1873). He was born in 1805, educated at TCD (BA 1828, MA 1832, BD and DD 1855), and ordained deacon and priest in 1835. He was the Perpetual Curate (Vicar) of Glasnevin (1837-1843), Rector of Saint Thomas’s (1855-1872) and a canon of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin (1843-1854).

He was the editor of the Christian Examiner and the Dublin University Magazine (1833-1834), and published a number of anti-Catholic pamphlets.

He married (1), Pamela Louisa Campbell (died 1859), and (2), Agnes Fayle. He died in Surbiton in 1873.

There were seven children in this family:

1, Guy Howard Stanford (born 1842).
2, Charles Edward FitzGerald Stanford (1854- ).
3, Helen Emily, married Edward Fitzgerald Frederick Campbell.
4, Lucy Frances Felicite.
5, Pamela Charlotte Augusta.
6-7, two other daughters.

The third son of William Stanford and his wife Sarah Margaret (McMullan) was:

John James Stanford (1810-1880). In 1851, he married Mary Henn (1817-1892) and they were the parents of:

(Professor) Charles Villiers Stanford (1852-1924), the composer. He married Jennie Wetton (1856-1921) in 1878, and they were the parents of:

1, Geraldine Mary (1883-1956).
2, Guy Desmond Stanford (1885-1953), who married Gwendolyn Dalrymple.

Charles Villiers Stamford was Professor of Music at Cambridge and composed a substantial number of concert works, including seven symphonies. His best-remembered pieces are his choral works for church performance, chiefly composed in the Anglican tradition. His students included the composers Gustav Holst and Ralph Vaughan Williams.

Charles Villiers Stanford (1852-1924) … Irish-born composer, his students included Gustav Holst and Ralph Vaughan Williams

Additional sources:

Ross Hinds (ed.), William Bedell Stanford: Regius Professor of Greek 1940-80: Trinity College, Dublin: Memoirs (Hinds, Dublin 2002).
JB Leslie and WJR Wallace (eds), Clergy of Dublin and Glendalough Biographical Succession Lists (Dublin, 2001).
LG Pine (ed), Burke’s Genealogical and Heraldic History of the Landed Gentry of Ireland (London, 1957).
Paul Rodmell, Charles Villiers Stamford (2017).

18 April 2017

A conciliatory Irish bishop
who was born in Lichfield

Edward Wettenhall ((1636–1713), Bishop of Cork and later Bishop of Kilmore, was born in Lichfield

Patrick Comerford

In the past, I have written about Richard FitzRalph, the former Dean of Lichfield who became Archbishop of Armagh, and about the curious position of the Archbishops of Dublin who for centuries were Deans of Penkridge in Staffordshire and who refused to accept or acknowledge the episcopal rights of the Bishops of Lichfield within their ‘peculiar’ or parish.

But the connections between the Church of Ireland and Lichfield were often understated but positive contributions.

I am reminded during my stay in Lichfield this week of Edward Wetenhall (1636–1713), a bishop of the Church of Ireland at the turn of the 17th and 18th century, who was born in Lichfield. He is celebrated by 19th century historians of Lichfield, including Thomas Lomax and Thomas Harwood, as one of the ‘eminent characters’ of Lichfield, and in Ireland he sought to play a conciliatory role at a difficult and tumultuous time in the life of the Church.

The bishop – whose surname is also spelled Wettenhall, Whetenhall, Whitnall, Withnoll, and Wythnall – was born in Lichfield on 7 October 1636, but we know little about his family background or circumstances. He was sent to school in Westminster School, where he was taught by Richard Busby, before going on to Trinity College, Cambridge, as a foundation scholar.

After graduating BA (1659-1660) in Cambridge, he moved to Oxford, where he became the chaplain at Lincoln College.

He was a priest in parishes in Combe Long, Oxfordshire, and at Saint Stephen’s, near St Albans, Hertfordshire, before being appointed a canon of Exeter Cathedral in 1667 and headmaster of the bluecoat school there.

He received the degrees BD from Oxford at 1669 and Cambridge in 1670. In 1672, Michael Boyle, the Archbishop of Dublin, invited him to Dublin as master of the bluecoat school, now the King’s Hospital. There may have been a Lichfield connection here too, for Archbishop Boyle’s uncle, John Boyle, had been Prebendary of Bishopshull in Lichfield Cathedral before coming to Ireland as Bishop of Cork.

In Dublin, Wetenhall received the degree Doctor of Divinity (DD) at Trinity College Dublin, and he also became curate of Saint Werburgh’s Church and chantor of Christ Church Cathedral.

When Michael Boyle became Archbishop of Dublin, he was succeeded by Edward Synge, Bishop of Cork, Cloyne, and Ross. When Synge died at the end 1678, the dioceses were separated, and early in 1679, Wetenhall became Bishop of Cork and Ross, once again, presumably, through the patronage of Michael Boyle, who was appointed Archbishop of Armagh at the same time.

Wetenhall was consecrated bishop in Christ Church, Dublin. At his own expense, he restored the bishop’s palace in Cork. As one of the seven bishops who remained in Ireland during the dynastic struggles and political troubles that began in 1688, he was treated badly by the supporters of James II, but he insisted on staying on in Ireland.

Following the defeat of James II and the victory of William III, only one Irish bishop, William Sheridan of Kilmore and Ardagh, was deprived of his see in 1693 as a nonjuror. The see was left vacant for three years, and when Wetenhall was appointed Bishop of Kilmore and Ardagh in 1699 in succession to William Smyth, he at first declined the appointment in the hope of persuading Sheridan to return to Kilmore.

Later, as Bishop of Kilmore, Wetenhall contributed to the financial support of Sheridan. He also restored the bishop’s house in Kilmore, Co Cavan, rebuilt the cathedral at Ardagh, which has since been demolished, and recovered diocesan lands that had been alienated by predecessors.

He argued in favour of providing the Bible, the Book of Common Prayer and other religious works in the Irish language, and compiled grammars of Greek and Latin. He also advocated greater toleration of Dissenters, debated with the Quaker William Penn, and in Dublin he visited the jailed Thomas Emlyn, the first English preacher to describe himself as a ‘Unitarian.’

Edward Wetenhall was married twice. His first wife was buried in Cork cathedral. One son, John Wetenhall, became Archdeacon of Cork; another son, Dr Edward Wetenhall, married Anne Sneyd from Staffordshire.

Failing health seems to have persuaded Wetenhall to spend his later years in London. He died there on 12 November 1713 and is buried in the south transept of Westminster Abbey.

In his will, he affirms the Church of England and Ireland to be ‘the purest church in the world,’ although ‘there are divers points which might be altered for the better’ in ‘articles, liturgy, and discipline, but especially in the conditions of clerical communion.’

Edward Wetenhall, by Robert Dunkarton, published by Samuel Woodburn, after Jan van der Vaart, mezzotint, published 1813 (National Portrait Gallery D29583)

04 November 2016

Bale’s Books and Bedell’s Bible:
early Anglican Translations
of Word and Liturgy into Irish

Fig 1. Bishop William Bedell of Kilmore (right) with Archbishop William Sancroft of Canterbury (left) in a window of the chapel of Emmanuel College, Cambridge. Photograph by Patrick Comerford

Patrick Comerford

A guiding principle of the Anglican Reformation insisted that the Word of God and the words of the liturgy should be available in language ‘understanded of the people’ (Article 24 of the 39 Articles). The first book published in Ireland was the 1549 edition of the Book of Common Prayer, which was first used on Easter Day 1551 in Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin.

However, aspiration was separated from action by decades, and the failure to produce either a complete Bible or a Book of Common Prayer in Irish for generations was a factor contributing to the failure of the Reformation in Ireland. Another half a century lapsed before an Irish-language version of the Book of Common Prayer was produced in 1608 by William Daniel, Archbishop of Tuam (1609-1628), and a complete Irish-language translation of the Bible was not published until 1685, bringing together Archbishop Daniel’s New Testament by and the Old Testament translation by William Bedell (1571-1642), Bishop of Kilmore.


Two Church of Ireland bishops whose lives were separated by two generations – John Bale (1495-1563) of Ossory and William Bedell of Kilmore – personify the very different Anglican understandings and usages of the Bible and the Book of Common Prayer in the first century of the Anglican Reformation.

John Bale, a former Carmelite friar, was such a quarrelsome controversialist that he was known as ‘bilious Bale.’ His personal account of his time in Kilkenny shows how uncompromising he was and that his zeal was never tempered by discretion. When he was ordained bishop in Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, on 2 February 1553, he refused to be consecrated according to the rites of the Church of Ireland, insisting he was sworn to obey only the laws of England.

He proscribed the celebration of the Eucharist on any day other than Sunday, yet failed to persuade his clergy in Ossory to introduce the Book of Common Prayer. When he tried to remove what he called ‘idolatries,’ he was met with ‘angers, slaunders, conspiracies, and in the end slaughters of men.’ He aroused opposition throughout his diocese, and he was forced to flee Kilkenny after an attack on workers in his fields at Uppercourt near Freshford on 8 September 1553 – he had been a bishop for just seven months.

In his autobiographical accounts, Bale twists facts and exaggerates his role in events. His account of his escape from Ireland is a vain attempt to present himself as seeking to preserve the faith and to draw comparisons with the voyages and sufferings of St Paul. Peter Happé says Bale’s autobiography ‘reads like a piece of fiction,’ in which he presents himself with a ‘self-dramatizing tendency.’ Leslie P. Fairfield goes even further, dismissing Bale as the ‘mythmaker for the English Reformation.’ He is vilified in John Arden’s novel, The Books of Bale (1989).

Yet Bale was indignant at and dismayed by the destruction of libraries at the dissolution of the monasteries, describing it as ‘a most horrible infamy.’ As the monastic libraries were being dispersed, he helped to preserve the manuscript heritage of the English language, cataloguing ancient writers and texts and persuading Matthew Parker (1504-1575), Archbishop of Canterbury, to become a great patron of ancient manuscripts.

Fig. 2. Trinity College, Dublin. Photograph by Patrick Comerford

Bale stands in sharp contrast to Bedell, a Caroline divine who insisted as Provost of Trinity College Dublin that theology students should learn Irish to enhance their ministry and who commissioned the translation of the Bible into Irish.

Bedell was born eight years after Bale’s death, and like him had been educated at Cambridge. At an early age he translated the Book of Common Prayer into Italian, and learned Hebrew from a rabbi in Venice to enhance his commitment to translating the Bible.

When he became Provost of Trinity College Dublin in 1627, he introduced New Testament readings by a native Irish speaker at Commons and prayers in Irish in the chapel. In an attempt to train clergy to preach in Irish, he employed Murtagh King, from a bardic family in Kilcoursey, Co Offaly, as an Irish teacher.

When Bedell became Bishop of Kilmore in 1629, he brought King with him to his new diocese and worked with him on translating the Old Testament. In 1631, Bedell published a simple, bilingual catechism. In very petulant terms, James Ussher (1581-1656), Archbishop of Armagh, censured Bedell for learning Irish and for preaching to the people in the only language they knew. Ussher was showing how he shared the prejudices of his class, in direct opposition to the principles of the Reformation.

Throughout his career, Bedell minimised the doctrinal differences between Catholics and Protestants, and in County Cavan devoted himself tirelessly to relieving hardship and poverty among the people, often in the face of opposition from his own clergy and fellow bishops. He died a martyr’s death on 7 February 1642. At his burial, a local Catholic priest, Father Edmund Farrely, was heard to exclaim: O sit anima mea cum Bedello! (‘May my soul be with Beddell’s’).

Had there been fewer Bales and more Bedells as bishops in the century immediately after the Reformation, the Church of Ireland would have been a happier church and Ireland would have been a happier island.

Further reading:

John Bale, The Vocacyon of Johan Bale (New York, 1990) Peter Happé and John N. King, eds (Binghampton, NY: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1990.
Leslie P. Fairfield, John Bale: Myth Maker for the English Reformation (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 1976).
Thomas Wharton Jones, ed., A True Relation of the Life and Death of the Right Reverend Father in God William Bedell, Lord Bishop of Kilmore in Ireland, Bishop Gilbert Burnet (London: Camden Society, 1872).

The List of Contributors includes this note:

Patrick Comerford is Lecturer in Liturgy and Anglicanism, the Church of Ireland Theological Institute and a canon of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin.


This was first published in Treasures of Irish Chrstianity, Volume II, A people of the Word, Salvador Ryan and Brendan Leahy (eds), (Dublin: Veritas, 2013), pp 124-128.

13 March 2016

Josiah Hort (1674?-1751),
Bishop of Ferns
‘A Rake, a Bully, a Pimp, or Spy’
and ‘Bp Judas’

Josiah Hort (ca 1674–1751) by an unknown artist, oil on canvas, 126.1 x 100.4 cm, a gift from the Revd HJ Carter to Clare College, Cambridge, in 1897 (courtesy Clare College).

Patrick Comerford

Josiah Hort (1674?–1751), began his episcopal career as the Church of Ireland Bishop of Ferns and Leighlin (1722-1727) and ended his days as the Archbishop of Tuam (1742–1751). A superficial survey of his career would seem to present a successful church careerist, arriving in Ireland after a Cambridge education as a chaplain to the Lord Lieutenant, and advancing from rector to dean, to bishop, to archbishop.

However, this was a man who never preached while he was archbishop, and closer examination shows we know little about his background, apart from the name of his father. His date of birth is unknown, the dates for his ordination have been questioned, and he never had the degrees from Cambridge he claimed at the time of his consecration as Bishop of Ferns. His arrival in the Church of Ireland from England and his quick promotion was resented by the Irish-born bishops, three of the four archbishops of the day refused to take part in his consecration, and his contemporaries doubted the depth of his faith.

Most telling of all, while he was Bishop of Ferns, Hort was lampooned in satire and verse by Jonathan Swift, who accused him of being ‘a Rake, a Bully, a Pimp [and] Spy,’ referred to him as ‘B[isho]p Judas.’ and accused him of being a whore-mongering atheist who ought to have been destined to hang from a rope.

A chaplaincy to the Lord Lieutenant was often seen by young ambitious clergy in the Church of England as the first step on the ladder of careerism in the Church of Ireland. However, when Hort was about to be consecrated Bishop of Ferns in 1722, the Archbishop of Dublin, William King, refused to take part because Hort had erroneously described himself in the Letters Patent as holding the degree of DD (Doctor of Divinity). Although the consecration went ahead, and Hort continued to advance in his career, he remained a target of satire and sarcasm.

Archbishop William King … refused to consecrate Josiah Holt as Bishop of Ferns in 1722 (Photograph: Patrick Comerford, of a portrait in the RCB Library, Dublin)

King’s refusal may have seemed outrageous, but it raised questions about Hort’s academic and clerical credentials. Indeed, my subsequent research in Cambridge shows that Hort never received any degree at the University of Cambridge and that he spent less than a full academic year there as a student.

We can imagine the impact of these scandals if we consider the consequences of similar language being used today by such a prominent church figure about a bishop, or if the same bishop was isolated by so many members of the bench.

Background and education

We know very little about the early life of Josiah Hort. Even the date of his birth is uncertain, although most authorities agree he was born ca 1674, and that his father was one John Hort of Marshfield in south Gloucestershire, 13 km (eight miles) outside Bath.[1] Leslie and Ryan are alone in saying he was educated at the Grammar School in Bristol.[2]

The words Dissenter and Nonconformist are used for the spiritual heirs of the Puritans and the Cromwellians who refused to conform to the Church of England after the restoration of the monarchy and the episcopacy in the 1660s, including Presbyterians, Independents or Congregationalists, Baptists and Unitarians.

Hort was brought up as a Nonconformist, and was probably more sympathetic to those who eventually became Unitarians rather than the stricter Calvinists among the Presbyterians and Congregationalists.

Authorities differ about where he trained as a dissenting minister. Walter Jeremy indicates that at about the age of 16 Hort went to the academy for dissenting ministers run by Thomas Rowe (1657-1705) at Little Britain, near Aldersgate in London, with a scholarship or exhibition from the Presbyterian Fund.[3] Rowe’s other students included the hymn writer Isaac Watts (1674-1748), who became a lifelong friend and described Hort as ‘the first genius in that seminary.’[4] However, Alexander Gordon says Jeremy is incorrect and that Hort studied under James Forbes (1629?-1712) in Gloucester.[5]

After his studies, Hort is said to have spent some time as the pastor of a dissenting congregation in Newbury, Berkshire. However, the records of the Unitarians and Congregationalists there fail to support this.[6] On the other hand, Murch says he became a chaplain in the household of Cromwell’s cousin, John Hampden; both Gordon and Murch say he spent some time as an assistant minister to the Revd George Sheal in the Dissenting chapel in his home village of Marshfield;[7] and both Gordon and the Cambridge antiquarian William Cole say he was a Presbyterian preacher at Soham in Cambridgeshire.[8]

If these early appointments are difficult to disentangle, it is equally difficult to ascertain when Hort conformed to the Church of England. He was admitted to Clare Hall (now Clare College), Cambridge, on 28 April 1704, as a sizar or student who received tuition, bed and board in return for menial tasks.[9] There his tutor was Richard Laughton (1670?-1723).[10] However, Hort left Clare in 1705 without graduating, and Cambridge University has no record of him ever receiving a degree.[11]

There was a tradition in his family and much-repeated that because Hort was a zealous supporter of the Hanoverian succession in 1714, and because he had scruples about re-ordination in the Church of England, this requirement was dispensed with on royal approval.[12] However, it is generally agreed that he was ordained deacon in 1705 by John Moore, Bishop of Norwich, and some months later was ordained priest by Simon Patrick, Bishop of Ely, on 23 September 1705.[13]

Ryan says that after his ordination in 1705, Hort was appointed Rector of Wicken, Cambridgeshire, in the Diocese of Ely.[14] On 19 July 1706, he became Vicar of Wendover, Buckinghamshire, in the Diocese of Lincoln.[15] In 1707, he printed a Thanksgiving Sermon on ‘the national successes,’ based on Psalm 149: 6-8; a year later, in 1708, he published a sermon preached at the archdeacon’s visitation of Aylesbury.[16]

Hort was still Vicar of Wendover in 1709 when he left England for Ireland as domestic chaplain to Thomas Wharton (1648-1715), 1st Marquess of Wharton and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (1708-1710). Wharton was considered a man ‘void of moral or religious principles,’ for which Queen Anne disliked him intensely. He was once silenced in the House of Lords by an accusation that, while drunk, he had broken into the parish church in Great Barrington, Gloucestershire, in 1682 and urinated against the altar and the pulpit. He infected his first wife, Anne Lee, with syphilis, from which she died in 1685. His second wife, Lucy Loftus, was a daughter of Adam Loftus of Rathfarnham Castle, Co Dublin, 1st Viscount Lisburne, and a granddaughter of Sir Arthur Loftus, MP for Co Wexford.[17]

Moving to Ireland as chaplain to a new Lord Lieutenant was a sure first step on the ladder of preferment and promotion in the Church of Ireland for ambitious young English clerics. Hort was in Ireland less than a year when the Crown nominated him in 1709 as Rector of Kilskyre, near Kells, in the Diocese of Meath, a parish vacant with the appointment of Ralph Lambert as Dean of Down. However, the Bishop of Meath, William Moreton, appointed his own son Richard as rector. A long drawn-out legal battle ensued until, after an appeal to the British House of Lords, the case was decided in favour of Hort in 1717.[18] As the case continued, Hort resigned as Vicar of Wendover on 15 October 1715, having been appointed Rector of Haversham on 30 September 1715. It was only when the legal battle over Kilskyre was decided in his favour that Hort resigned from Haversham on 22 July 1717.[19]

On 3 April 1718, he was appointed Dean of Cloyne Cathedral, Co Cork, and Rector and Vicar of Louth in the Diocese of Armagh.[20] Louth was a sinecure to enhance Hort’s income, but the church was in ruins long before 1662, and no church was built in the parish until 1807.[21] On 17 June 1720, he was appointed Dean of Ardagh. Once again, this was a mere sinecure, for Ardagh Cathedral had been in ruins for over two centuries and Ardagh was a tiny village.[22]

Saint Edan’s Cathedral, Ferns ... Josiah Hort was the Church of Ireland Bishop of Ferns from 1722 to 1727 (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)

He was Dean of Ardagh for little more than a year when, on 17 January 1722, he was nominated Bishop of Ferns and Leighlin in succession to Bartholomew Vigors, who died two weeks earlier. The letters patent were issued by the Lord Lieutenant, the Duke of Grafton, on 10 February 1722.[23] However, the Archbishop of Dublin, William King, refused to take part in Hort’s consecration because Hort was wrongly described in his letters patent as DD.[24]

Castleknock Parish Church, Co Dublin … Josiah Hort was consecrated Bishop of Ferns here on 26 February 1722 (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)

King had objected the previous year to the appointment of Francis Hutchinson as Bishop of Down. King wrote to the Lord Lieutenant on 16 February 1722:

‘I have perused Dean Hort’s patent for consecration. I am by it commanded to consecrate Josias Hort, Sacrae Theologiae Doctorem, Decanum Ardaghensem : on inquiry, I find that he is so far from being a doctor of divinity, that he never took any degree in any university. So I conceive there is a misnomer here. I can find no so such man as Josiah Hort, doctor of divinity, dean of Ardagh … I am very unwilling to put a falsity under my seal … [T]his gentleman is the first that I ever heard of, that pretended to a bishoprick without any degree at all.’[25]

King complained bitterly that English clergy, having squandered the resources of their own church for short-term profit, were invading the better-managed Church of Ireland, and that handing the best dioceses to outsiders left the Irish clergy with little incentive. William Nicolson had been Bishop of Carlisle for 16 years, but King vengefully insisted he should take the most junior place on the episcopal bench in the House of Lords.[26]

Despite legal challenges, King persisted in refusing to consecrate Hort, and insisted on making his refusal a condition of accepting his own appointment as a Lord Justice.[27] Connolly suggests that King remained obstinate because of Hort’s dissenting background and rumours that he had never been ordained in the Church of England. The Bishop of Elphin, Henry Downes, said the Archbishops of Armagh, Dublin and Tuam signed a petition asking the king to recall Hort’s nomination.[28]

A commission was issued for Hort’s consecration as Bishop of Ferns, which went ahead on 26 February 1722, not in Saint Patrick’s Cathedral, nor in the Chapel of Trinity College Dublin, then the normal venues for episcopal consecrations, but in the parish church in Castleknock, close to the official residence of the Lord Lieutenant in the Phoenix Park. The consecrating bishops were John Evans of Meath, Ralph Lambert of Dromore, who had preceded him in Kilskyre, and Timothy Goodwin of Kilmore and Ardagh, where Hort was the nominal dean.[29] When Archbishop King protested that this ‘gentleman is the first that I ever heard of, that pretended to a bishoprick without any degree at all,’ he was, perhaps, unaware that one of his predecessors, Adam Loftus (ca 1533-1605), had also claimed a degree from Cambridge that he had never earned.

Archbishop Adam Loftus, ancestor of the Loftus family of Loftus Hall, Co Wexford … had no earned degrees from Cambridge University apart from an honorary DD (courtesy, Trinity College Dublin)

Adam Loftus, ancestor of the Loftus family of Loftus Hall, Co Wexford, was Archbishop of Armagh, and then of Dublin for almost forty years. Loftus claimed that as an undergraduate at Trinity College, Cambridge, he had attracted the attention of the future Queen Elizabeth I. However, there is no good reason to believe this meeting ever took place. Venn relies on Cooper for stating that Loftus was at Trinity College, but no Cambridge degree is recorded for Loftus until the weeks before he became Archbishop of Dublin.[30]

Adam C. Green, Assistant Archivist and Manuscript Cataloguer, Trinity College Library, Cambridge, has found no evidence, besides the reference in Cooper, that Loftus was ever at Trinity. He points out that Loftus did not matriculate at Cambridge, nor did he take any degrees there before he was admitted to the degree DD on 25 November 1566, and he does not appear in the printed lists of Trinity members.[31]

There are no college admissions records before the 1630s. So, was Loftus a member of Trinity briefly as an undergraduate? The buttery books, which give a complete list of members of the college in each week and contain references to some junior members of the college not mentioned elsewhere, are almost complete from 1557/1558, but this is after the ordination of Loftus. His name does not occur in the earliest lower commons book, also dating from 1557/1558, nor does his name feature in the upper commons book for the period around 1566-1567, when he took the degree DD.[32]

Swift’s attacks

Soon after Hort’s consecration, rumours about his philandering appeared in an anonymous poem, ‘On the B—ps of Ireland,’ which refers to Hort in the line: E’re I was wed I kiss’d ten thousand bitches.[33] By then, Jonathan Swift, was known to publicly despise Hort. When Hort almost drowned in a storm in Dublin Bay in December 1722, Swift responded to reports of the near-tragedy with contemptuous references to Hort in a satirical poem, ‘Great Storm of Christmas 1722,’ or ‘The Storm: or Minerva’s Petition,’ which was circulated in manuscript form though not yet printed. Swift attacks Hort as a whore-mongering atheist and constructs a fable in which the pagan gods debate Hort’s fate. Although Minerva asks Neptune to drown Hort, Venus defends him and

Pleaded the B[ishop] lov’d a W[hore],
And had enlarg’d her Empire wide,
He own’d no Deity beside.
[34]

The shape-shifting god Proteus expresses grudging admiration of the bishop since

[Hort] can assume more Forms than I,
a Rake, a Bully, a Pimp, or Spy.
[35]

Hort is also characterised as ‘B[isho]p Judas.’[36] Eventually, the Bishop of Ferns is given a reprieve – but only because the philosopher George Berkeley would have drowned too, and because Minerva thought, anyway, Hort was ‘destin’d to a rope.’[37]

When Hort learned about this poem, he complained to Archbishop King, who in turn asked Swift about the poem. King replied to Hort on 23 February 1723:

‘I have not read the scandalous libel, your Lordship mentions, but have heard about it. My neighbour [Swift] complains grievously of one Curll, who printed vile [and] abominable papers in his name. As for this he most solemnly protests, that he has no concern in it and I verily believe him. He says it is true that sometimes he passes a jest or an irony on his friend or any obnoxious person, but for black calumny as this represented to be, he detests it. He discoursed me frankly on this subject, and told me, that perhaps he would not have been forward to give his vote to make you a bishop; but now you are one, he thinks it is a wicked thing and a mischievous office to the church and public to say or do anything may make you less serviceable in your station, and that none but an enemy to the church and religion would be guilty of such a practice.’[38]

Of course, as Hort was a friend of neither King nor Swift, he is being told that he is an ‘obnoxious person,’ and that neither supported him as a bishop. Karian suggests the reference to Curll is a red herring, as neither Curll nor anyone else had published ‘The Storm,’ and he describes Swift’s denial as artful but entirely false.[39]

As Bishop of Ferns, Hort favoured a limited toleration of Roman Catholic priests under the Penal Laws, arguing that either extirpation would fail or, if successful, might lead to retaliation against Protestants abroad.[40]

Hort first lost his voice in 1724, when he was still Bishop of Ferns, while shouting at one of his servants during a visitation of his parishes in Co Wexford.[41]

He was still Bishop of Ferns and was about 50 – and had perhaps ‘kiss’d ten thousand bitches’ – when he married Elizabeth FitzMaurice on 19 February 1725. Although the genealogical tables make it difficult at times to identify her with certainty, she was a daughter of Colonel William FitzMaurice (1670-1710), and a niece of Thomas FitzMaurice (1668-1741), 1st Earl of Kerry. Her sister, Mary FitzMaurice, married their first cousin, John FitzMaurice (1706-1761), who was made 1st Earl of Shelburne in 1753, a title with its origins in Co Wexford, after he succeeded to the vast Petty estates.[42]

While Hort was still Bishop of Ferns and Leighlin, he befriended William Robertson (1705-1783), and persuaded him to consider Anglican ordination. By the time Robertson was ordained a deacon in 1728 and priest in 1729 by John Hoadly, Hort had left Ferns, but through his influence, perhaps, Robertson was appointed Rector of Rathvilly, Co Carlow. However, Roberston eventually resigned his Anglican orders, became a Unitarian preacher, and has been described as ‘the father of Unitarian Nonconformity.’[43]

Hort was appointed Bishop of Kilmore and Ardagh in 1727 and the king’s chaplain, John Hoadly, was nominated as Bishop of Ferns.[44] However, the letters patent were dated before King George I died on 11 June 1727, and new papers had to be issued for both Hort and Hoadly by George II on 4 August. Hoadly was consecrated in Saint Patrick’s Cathedral on 3 September by William King and other assisting bishops – a very different experience to Hort’s public humiliation by King five years earlier – and eventually Hoadly succeeded King as Archbishop of Dublin in 1730.[45]

As Bishop of Kilmore, Hort again spoke in favour of relaxing the Penal Laws against Roman Catholic clergy, telling the clergy of his diocese: ‘coercive laws ... may bind men’s hands and tongues, but can never reach their hearts.’[46]

Another attack from Swift

After Hort moved from Ferns, Swift’s satirical poem ‘The Storm’ was circulated once again in manuscript form, along with two other brief poetic attacks that date from 1732: ‘Advice to a Parson: an Epigram,’ and ‘Epigram on Seeing a Worthy Prelate Go Out of Church.’ Although there is no conclusive evidence, both poems have been attributed to Swift. But why did ‘The Storm’ and these two epigrams find popular readership at this time?

In February 1732, the Irish House of Lords passed two Bills, a Bill of Residence and a Bill of Division. This legislation gave the right to a bishop to compel the clergy to build rectories, and allowed bishops to divide large parishes into smaller parishes. Swift believed these measures would impoverish the clergy. The Bills were sent to the Irish Commons, and as the debate continued Swift wrote ‘Considerations Upon Two Bills,’ and with sarcasm proposed that the bishoprics should be divided too. Faulkner published excerpts from Swift’s pamphlet in the Dublin Journal on 26 February 1732, and the bills were defeated in the Commons later that day.

Swift’s ‘Epigram on Seeing a Worthy Prelate Go Out of Church’ was first published that year, and printed by James Roberts in The Lady’s Dressing Room. The worldliness of bishops promoting English interests in Ireland is epitomised when Lord Pam – representing Josiah Hort – stops praying when he hears that the Lord Lieutenant, the Duke of Dorset, is in town and promptly leaves the church to wait on him:[47]

Lord Pam in the church (you’d think it) kneel’d down;
When told that the Duke was just come to Town –
His station despising, unawed by the place,
He flies from his God to attend to his Grace.
To the Court it was better to pay his devotion,
Since God had no hand in his Lordship’s promotion
.

In 1732, Swift also wrote his poem ‘Judas,’ although this was not published until 1735. As Swift had described Hort as ‘Bp Judas’ in ‘The Storm’ in 1723, we can presume that he was referring to Hort in this poem, which predicts an ignominious death for each modern Judas.[48]

However, by 1736, Swift and Hort had become friends and collaborators. On 23 February 1736, Hort sent Swift a small satirical pamphlet, Better Regulation and Improvement of Quadrille, a then-fashionable game of cards. Swift edited the satire and sent it to Faulkner, who published it in a broadsheet. However, a formal complaint was made to the Irish House of Commons, and Faulkner, by then in a bad state of health, was imprisoned in a dungeon for three days.[49]

Josiah and Elizabeth Hort had a townhouse in Dawson Street, Dublin. It was there on 2 May 1737 her sister Mary gave birth to William FitzMaurice (1737-1805), later William Petty, 2nd Earl of Shelburne, 1st Marquess of Lansdowne, and British Prime Minister at the end of the American War of Independence.[50]

While he was still Bishop of Kilmore, Hort’s voice failed once again. This time he claimed he overstrained his voice in the pulpit while he had a cold and was hoarse. Hort would never preach again but issued a warning to ‘all young preachers whose organs of speech are tender,’ saying: ‘Experience shows that a moderate degree of voice, with a proper and distinct articulation, is better understood in all parts of a church than a thunder of lungs that is rarely distinct, and never agreeable to the audience.’[51]

Now Hort began to convey his ideas through pamphlets. Despite the fact that he never preached again, Hort was appointed Archbishop of Tuam on 27 January 1742, and was also allowed to retain the Diocese of Ardagh in commendam. Ardagh was separated from Kilmore, and remained united with Tuam until 1839.[52]

Elizabeth Hort died on 25 January 1745, and was buried in Saint George’s Chapel, Dublin. A marble monument once read:

‘To the memory of Elizabeth Hort,
a daughter of the noble house of Kerry,
and wife of Josiah, Lord Archbishop of Tuam.
With whom she lived in strict union and affection
for the space of 19 years, 11 months, and 4 days;
having in her life exhibited
a pattern of every virtue,
conjugal, parental, social;
and above all
of piety and devotion towards God.
She was received to her reward
on the 25 day of January 1745,
leaving issue two sons and three daughters.
Blessed are the dead, which die in the Lord.’[53]

Later that year, Hort bought the manor of Scullogstown, near Kilcock, Co Kildare, from the Fitzgerald family for £5,373. He changed the name to Hortland and in 1748 built a mansion designed by Richard Castle. However, Hort may have never lived at Hortland, which was leased to a succession of tenants.[54]

The archbishop collapsed on the streets of Dublin and died on 14 December 1751. He was buried with his wife in Saint George’s Chapel, Dublin. In his will, he exhorted his children to carry out his intentions ‘without having recourse to law and the subtility of lawyers,’ and in the case of difficulty to refer questions to ‘the decision of persons of known probity and wisdom, this being not only the most Christian, but the most prudent and cheap and summary way of deciding all differences.’[55]

Family and legacy:

Despite all Hort’s failings and his pillorying by King, Swift and other detractors, the Hort family quickly established a fair claim to be considered Irish.[56] Josiah and Elizabeth Hort had eleven children in all, although only two sons and three daughters survived to adult life: Josiah George Hort (1732-1786), Sir John Hort (1735-1807), Elizabeth (married Sir James Caldwell), Frances (married John Parker, Lord Bodrington) and Maria (married Sir John Cramer Coghill).

Hort’s nephew, Lord Shelburne, who was born in Hort’s Dublin townhouse, showed his loyalty to the Hort family when he secured the post of British Consul General in Lisbon for Sir John Hort in 1767.[57] The present holder of the family title is Sir Andrew Edwin Fenton Hort (born 1954). Hortland House, the mansion designed by Richard Castle for Josiah Hort, had fallen into dilapidation by the beginning of the 20th century, while the Hort monuments in Saint George’s, Hill Street, have disappeared since the chapel was demolished in 1890.

Other Bishops of Ferns, before and after Hort, had genuine degrees from Cambridge, including his successor, John Hoadly, who had been at Saint Catharine’s College, and had earned the degrees BA (1698), MA (1703) and DD (1717).[58]

Without his academic pretensions, King’s consequent refusal to consecrate him, and Swift’s allegations about his lifestyle, Hort might have been forgotten, for his theology was shallow and vapid, his ecclesiastical promotions were typical of careerists of the day, and his impact on his dioceses was unremarkable. Perhaps the greatest monument to Hort is the work of his great-grandson, the Revd Professor Fenton John Anthony Hort (1828-1892), who was Lady Margaret’s Professor of Divinity in Cambridge and was the Irish-born theologian who did more than most to shape our modern understanding of the Greek New Testament.[59]

The Revd Professor FJA Hort (1828-1892) … the Irish-born Cambridge theologian who did more than most to shape our modern understanding of the Greek New Testament (a portrait by GP Jacomb-Hood in the collection of Trinity College Cambridge).
References:

[1] Venn and Venn, I/II, p. 411; Leslie, Ferns, p. 11; ODNB, p. 209; Bergin is alone in giving a precise date of birth, 2 February 1673.
[2] Leslie, Ferns, p. 11; Leslie and Crooks, Tuam, Killala and Achonry, p. 400; Leslie and Crooks, Kilmore, Elphin and Ardagh, p. 549; Ryan, p. 268. Bergin accepts this from Leslie (see Bergin, p.799).
[3] Murch, pp 41-42; Jeremy, p. xi.
[4] Chalmers, p. 195.
[5] Gordon (1917), p 287.
[6] DNB, p. 388; ODNB, p. 209.
[7] Murch, p 42; Gordon, pp 287, 349.
[8] Gordon, p. 287; Cotton, vol 2, p. 339; DNB, p. 388; ODNB, p. 209.
[9] Venn and Venn, I/II, p. 411.
[10] Ryan, p. 268.
[11] See Venn and Venn, I/II, p. 411.
[12] Murch, p. 42; Chalmers, pp 195-196; Mant, vol 2, p 376.
[13] Mant, vol 2, p 376; Venn and Venn, I/II, p. 411; Leslie, Ferns, p. 11; Ryan, p. 268.
[14] Ryan, p. 268; Leslie, Ferns, p. 11.
[15] The Clergy of the Church of England Database (1540-1835), http://www.theclergydatabase.org.uk/jsp/persons/DisplayPerson.jsp?PersonID=16755, last accessed 22 July 2013; Venn and Venn, I/II, p. 411; Ryan, p. 268; Leslie, Ferns, p. 11.
[16] Murch, p. 42; Chalmers, p 195.
[17] Leslie, Ferns, p. 11; ODNB, p. 209; Burke’s Peerage, various eds, s.v. Ely.
[18] Erck (1830), App. p. 275; Ryan, p. 268; ODNB, p. 11; Leslie, Ferns, p. 11.
[19] The Clergy of the Church of England Database (1540-1835), http://www.theclergydatabase.org.uk/jsp/persons/DisplayPerson.jsp?PersonID=16755, last accessed 22 July 2013.
[20] Cotton, vol 1, p. 283; Leslie, Armagh, p. 358; Leslie, Ferns, p 11; ODNB, p. 209.
[21] Galloway, pp 174; Fleming, WEC, Armagh Clergy 1800-2000 (Dundalk: Dundalgan Press, 2001), pp 636-639.
[22] Cotton, vol 3, p. 188 (where he is listed as MA); Leslie, Ferns, p. 11; Galloway, pp 7-9.
[23] Mant, vol 2, pp 375-379; Cotton, vol 2, pp 338-339, where he is listed as MA; Ryan, p. 269; Leslie, Ferns, 11.
[24] Gordon, p. 287; Mant, vol 2, p. 378; ODNB, p. 209; see Cotton, vol 4, p. 17. Leslie is incorrect when he says the degree in question was BD; see Leslie, Armagh, p. 358; Leslie, Ferns, p. 11, Leslie and Crooks, Tuam, Killala and Achonry, p. 400; Leslie and Crooks, Kilmore, Elphin and Ardagh, p. 549.
[25] Mant, vol 2, p. 379; p. 231; Charles King (1906), p. 231; Acheson, p. 47; Fauske, p. 63; O’Regan, p. 309.
[26] Connolly, ODNB, p 685.
[27] Mant, vol 2, p. 378; Bergin, p. 799.
[28] Nichols, pp 535-536; DNB, p. 388; Connolly, ODNB, p 685.
[29] Nichols, pp 535-536; Mant 2, p. 378; Cotton, vol 2, p. 339; Ryan, p. 269; Dalton (1883), p. 560; Leslie, Ferns, 11.
[30] Venn and Venn, I/III, p. 100.
[31] Email correspondence between Patrick Comerford and Adam C. Green, Assistant Archivist and Manuscript Cataloguer, Trinity College Library, Cambridge, and Dr Richard Serjeantson, Website Committee Secretary, Trinity College Cambridge; Venn I/III, p. 100.
[32] Email correspondence between Patrick Comerford and Adam C. Green, Assistant Archivist and Manuscript Cataloguer, Trinity College Library, Cambridge, and Dr Richard Serjeantson, Website Committee Secretary, Trinity College Cambridge; Venn I/III, p. 100.
[33] Karian, p. 83.
[34] Poems 1: 302-303.
[35] Poems 1: 303.
[36] Poems 1: 305.
[37] Poems 1: 306.
[38] Karian, pp 83-85.
[39] Karian, pp 83-85.
[40] Bergin, p. 799.
[41] Mant, vol 2, p. 561-562.
[42] Lodge, vol 2, pp 203-204; Burke’s Peerage, 107th ed, 2003, vol 2, pp 1967, 2239.
[43] Stewart, MA, pp 423-425; Ritchey, pp 529-530.
[44] Ryan, p. 269; Cotton, vol 3, p 169, where once again Hort is listed with the degree DD; Leslie, Ferns, p. 11.
[45] Leslie, Dublin, pp 4, 736.
[46] Bergin, p. 799.
[47] De Getango and Stubblefield, p. 96.
[48] DeGategno and Stubblefield, p.213.
[49] Swift and Scott, pp 371-377; Bergin, p. 799.
[50] Geoghegan, PM, p.87; DNB/ONB.
[51] Mant, vol 2, p. 562; AF Hort, p. 2; ONDB, p. 209.
[52] Cotton, vol 4, p. 17, where again Hort is ascribed the degree DD; Leslie, Ferns, p. 11; Galloway, p. 7; ONDB, p. 209.
[53] Lodge, vol 2, pp 204-205.
[54] O’Leary, ‘Hortland,’ pp 56-66.
[55] AF Hort, p. 3; DNB, p 388; Venn and Venn, I/II, p. 411; Leslie, Ferns, p 11; ODNB, p. 209.
[56] AF Hort, vol 1, p. 3.
[57] Ditchfield, p. 84.
[58] Leslie and Wallace, Dublin, p. 736.
[59] AJ Hort, passim.

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Appendix:

‘Great Storm of Christmas 1722,’ or
‘The Storm: or Minerva’s Petition,’ by Jonathan Swift


Pallas, a goddess chaste and wise
Descending lately from the skies,
To Neptune went, and begg’d in form
He’d give his orders for a storm;
A storm, to drown that rascal Hort,
And she would kindly thank him for’t:
A wretch! whom English rogues, to spite her,
Had lately honour’d with a mitre.

The god, who favour’d her request,
Assured her he would do his best:
But Venus had been there before,
Pleaded the bishop loved a whore,
And had enlarged her empire wide;
He own’d no deity beside.

At sea or land, if e’er you found him
Without a mistress, hang or drown him.
Since Burnet’s death, the bishops’ bench,
Till Hort arrived, ne’er kept a wench;
If Hort must sink, she grieves to tell it,
She’ll not have left one single prelate:
For, to say truth, she did intend him,
Elect of Cyprus in commendam.
And, since her birth the ocean gave her,
She could not doubt her uncle’s favour.

Then Proteus urged the same request,
But half in earnest, half in jest;
Said he – ‘Great sovereign of the main,
To drown him all attempts are vain.
Hort can assume more forms than I,
A rake, a bully, pimp, or spy;
Can creep, or run, or fly, or swim;
All motions are alike to him:
Turn him adrift, and you shall find
He knows to sail with every wind;
Or, throw him overboard, he’ll ride
As well against as with the tide.

But, Pallas, you’ve applied too late;
For, ’tis decreed by Jove and Fate,
That Ireland must be soon destroy’d,
And who but Hort can be employ’d?
You need not then have been so pert,
In sending Bolton to Clonfert.
I found you did it, by your grinning;
Your business is to mind your spinning.
But how you came to interpose
In making bishops, no one knows;
Or who regarded your report;
For never were you seen at court.

And if you must have your petition,
There’s Berkeley in the same condition;
Look, there he stands, and ’tis but just,
If one must drown, the other must;
But, if you’ll leave us Bishop Judas,
We’ll give you Berkeley for Bermudas.
Now, if ’twill gratify your spight,
To put him in a plaguy fright,
Although ’tis hardly worth the cost,
You soon shall see him soundly tost.
You’ll find him swear, blaspheme, and damn
(And every moment take a dram)
His ghastly visage with an air
Of reprobation and despair;
Or else some hiding-hole he seeks,
For fear the rest should say he squeaks;
Or, as Fitzpatrick did before,
Resolve to perish with his whore;
Or else he raves, and roars, and swears,
And, but for shame, would say his prayers.
Or, would you see his spirits sink?
Relaxing downwards in a stink?
If such a sight as this can please ye,
Good madam Pallas, pray be easy.
To Neptune speak, and he’ll consent;
But he’ll come back the knave he went.’

The goddess, who conceived a hope
That Hort was destined to a rope,
Believed it best to condescend
To spare a foe, to save a friend;
But, fearing Berkeley might be scared,
She left him virtue for a guard.


Patrick Comerford: The Revd Canon Professor Patrick Comerford is Lecturer in Anglicanism, Liturgy and Church History, the Church of Ireland Theological Institute, an Adjunct Assistant Professor, Trinity College Dublin, and a canon of Christ Church Cathedral Dublin. He has contributed to this Journal on many occasions in the past. A former journalist, he once worked for the Wexford People.

This paper was first published in the Journal of the Wexford Historical Society, No 24, 2012-2013 (ed Celestine Murphy), ISSN 0790-1828.