Letter
from Kos
Patrick
Comerford
The new rapprochement between Turkey and Greece has been drawing the two neighbours closer to each other in a way that has surprised Greeks and Turks in equal measure.
As a consequence of generous mutual responses to last year’s earthquakes, Greece is advising Turkey about its application for EU membership; Athens and Ankara are now talking about co-operation in a wide range of fields that go beyond trade and tourism; travel between the two countries is becoming much easier; and for the first time in decades Turkish troops landed on Greek sovereign territory this summer to take part in a joint military exercise.
The unexpected outbreak of goodwill has brought hope to the hard-pressed Greek minority in Turkey and to the mainly Muslim Greeks of Turkish origin. Greece is in the midst of a bruising national debate about official identity cards, with church-organised street demonstrations in support of the demands of Archbishop Christodoulos of Athens, who is close to identifying Greek nationality and membership of the Greek Orthodox Church.
But in recent years the government has become more sensitive to the needs of Greece's minorities, and is supporting plans to build a new mosque in Athens, the first since Greek independence in 1821.
Traditionally, Jews have had an easier time in Greece than the Muslim minority. Thessaloniki was long a centre of Ladino or Sephardic Greek culture, and despite the decimation of the Jewish population during the Nazi occupation of Greece, there are important Jewish museums on a number of islands.
But, until recently, Muslims found it difficult to gain acceptance for their contribution to culture and society. Now the thaw in relations in the Aegean is bringing hope to Muslim communities throughout Greece.
The island of Kos in the northern Dodecanese lies a few short miles off the Bodrum peninsula of Turkey: Turkish towns and houses are clearly visible, and in recent months, an increasing number of yachts with Turkish flags have been docked along the marina in Kos harbour, beneath the walls of the medieval Crusader castle.
Kos has always had a sizeable Turkish population, and because the island only reunited with the rest of Greece after the second World War, the Muslim minority mercifully escaped the cruel exchanges of Muslims and Christians between Turkey and Greece in the first few decades of the 20th century.
Today the island has about 2,500 Muslims, many of them living in Platania. The village lies 2km from Kos town, on the slopes up to the Asklepion, the temple of Asklepios, the Greek god of medicine, founded just after the death of Hippocrates.
For generations the village was known as Kermetes, or Germe in Turkish. But in the wake of Greek-Turkish conflict in Cyprus, its name was changed to Platania in 1964 and the Turkish school became a Greek national school.
And yet the village has lost none of its Oriental charm and mystique. Many of the houses look like houses in once-Turkish villages in Crete, and the square, with its working Ottoman fountain, is surrounded by tavernas run by local Turks, serving traditional Turkish fare, including Arap, Moustafa and Neriman, Gin’s Corner and Serif.
Ali Karavezer (35), who helps run Serif, his father’s restaurant on the square, recalls more difficult times. After uncles and aunts migrated to Bodrum, Kusadasi and Smyrna (Izmir), his father considered sending the young Ali to Turkey, and later as an 18-year-old conscript he was sent to the farthest corners of Greece. His fellow islanders, who were Greek Orthodox, were allowed to stay closer to home.
“Now I don’t think we have many problems,” he says, as we watch army trucks on manoeuvre making their way through the narrow streets. “Things are getting better. This year was really good,” he says, and gives the credit for many of the changes to the Prime Minister, Costas Simitis. In recent months, his aunt was able to return from Bodrum to Platania to visit her 92-year-old mother for the first time in 12 years.
He says his family has lived on Kos for 1,000 years. Today his many Greek friends no longer see him as a Turk and “few people from Kos see us as second-category people”. A banner for Galatasaray hangs in the house, but Ali supports the Greek team Panathanaikos – the only point of disagreement with his closest friend, Niko, a Greek Orthodox who supports Olympiakos.
In a side street, the parish priest of Aghios Athanasios sits outside his church in the summer sun while the imam climbs the minaret of the mosque to call out the mid-afternoon prayers.
Down the hill, on the way back into Kos, the Muslim cemetery is an oasis of quiet, with neat graves shaded by strong plane trees. The older, Ottoman-era graves are marked by traditional, tall, slender gravestones, leaning in rows against each other, carved with inscriptions in the traditional Arabic-style Turkic script and capped with turbans, dated according to the Islamic calendar.
But the newer graves have surprisingly modern stones, with their names carved, surprisingly, in neither Ottoman nor Greek letters, but in the modern Roman alphabet, and the dates following the Western calendar.
Dotted among the graves are a few unexpected symbols: the star and crescent which serves as both a Muslim and Turkish symbol; or a photograph of the deceased (an unthinkable grave decoration in many Muslim societies).
A few fields farther down, the gates of the Jewish cemetery are locked. The last remaining Jew of Kos was buried here about 10 years ago. He was the only Koan Jew to survive the transportation of the local community, along with the Jews of Rhodes, to Auschwitz in 1944.
Back in Kos, close to the ancient Agora, the former synagogue is a beautiful Art Deco building, but it has been disused since 1944 and stands locked in bleak isolation in the midst of the bustle of “Bar Street”. The prospect for future generations of Muslims on Kos looks more promising.
This news feature was first published in ‘The Irish Times’ on 18 July 2000.
Showing posts with label Greece 2000. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Greece 2000. Show all posts
18 July 2000
06 May 2000
Nicosia waits for the Green Line to fade away
Letter from Nicosia
Patrick Comerford
In the fashionable pedestrianised shopping area of Nicosia, close to the Green Line dividing Cyprus, a little shop in Lidhras Street still sells John Hinde postcards of the Ledra Palace Hotel, dating back to 1963 and still praising it for its “extensive gardens … luxurious bedrooms and suites and the largest conference and banqueting facilities on the island”.
But the Ledra Palace has not been used as a hotel for more than a quarter of a century. Instead it serves as headquarters for the UN peacekeeping forces on the island, standing at the only crossing point in the world’s last divided capital.
All along the Green Line in Nicosia, sentry boxes are posted at every gap between buildings and tense soldiers stand guard. A few short metres from the postcard shop in Lidhras Street, an exhibition of photographs outside the police station is a reminder of the 1,619 Greek Cypriots still missing and unaccounted for in the 26 years since the Turkish invasion in 1974: a young boy in tears as he holds up his parents' wedding photograph, a group of women in mourning black, holding single photographs of missing husbands, brothers or sons.
From a viewing platform at the nearby checkpoint it is possible to peer into the buffer zone where Lidhras Street continues straight through into the northern sector, on towards the Kyrenia Gate in the Venetian Walls on the other side of city.
Greek and Armenian names can still be seen on the forlorn, empty shops: Artin Bohdjalian and Sons; an Avis car rental agency with its faded, rusting, signs in Greek; Loizos Theophanous, who sold Harrison worsted suits; the hang-over balconies of neo-classical and modern buildings, the deserted and abandoned shops and restaurants. A stray, mangy tomcat picking his way through the overgrowth and rubble of deserted Ermou Street is the only sign of life in the buffer zone.
But the barbed wire, bricked-up walls and sentry boxes fail to hide the fact that this is a mixed city, no matter what has happened in the past. No armies and no political stubbornness can mask the fact that Nicosia was – and still has the potential to be – a mixed and cosmopolitan city. The cafe at the checkpoint dividing Phaneromeni Street has two names that are equally apt: “Berlin 2” and “Check Point Charly”.
Sitting, sipping a Cypriot coffee – it tastes the same whether it’s called Greek coffee or Turkish coffee – in the shade from the noonday sun, I hear the bells from Phaneromeni Church in the square nearby mingle with the call to prayer from the twin minarets of the Selimiye Mosque, once Ayia Sofia Cathedral, a few metres away inside northern Nicosia.
Ermou Street continues through the northern side of the buffer zone to the Paphos Gate in the old Venetian walls, ending in the most anomalous enclave. Holy Cross Church, run by the Franciscans and used mainly by domestic workers from Sri Lanka and the Philippines, is technically within Turkish-Cypriot territory. But the street has been cut short and blocked off before its front door, and the rear of the building has been sealed off, so access to the church can be gained only from the southern-controlled side by passing through an unmanned UN barrier. The surrounding buildings have been sandbagged and blocked up.
But then, Nicosia is a city of anomalies and contradictions. There are mosques in the heart of the Greek Cypriot quarters, and churches in the Turkish-controlled areas. Ethnic cleansing is never clean, and it seldom achieves its intended aims.
At the opposite end, on the eastern side of the city, Ermou Street emerges once again into the government-controlled side of the Green Line, close to the Archbishop’s Palace with its larger-than-life statue of the late Archbishop Makarios. The surrounding Tahtakale and Khrysaliniotissa districts could be the settings for pretty postcards from sun-kissed Greek islands in the Cyclades or the Dodecannese, with domed churches, whitewashed houses and wrought-iron balconies.
The “dead zone” is narrower here, and houses and businesses are full of life and commerce right up to the barriers. Dozens of homes have been renovated for young families in an effort to bring new life into the area.
The mayors and officials on both sides have agreed that when the barriers eventually tumble, Nicosia should not confront the same problems that faced Berlin when the wall came down. Pedestrianised streets on one side continue on to pedestrianised streets on the other, at least on the maps; shopping areas match shopping areas; housing renovation projects complement each other, and there are surprising stories of co-operation when it comes to laying sewage pipes or supplying electricity.
But the Ledra Palace Hotel, with its UN checkpoints flanked by Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot barriers and photo exhibitions, remains the only legal crossing from one side of Nicosia to the other. Walking along Markhou Dhrakou Avenue as it changes into Ikinci Selim Avenue is a sad experience. Neo-classical villas of a similar vintage stand beside one another. But one can have all the happy signs of family life, and stand beside another caught behind the zigzag of the Green Line, deserted and dilapidated, with the unpicked oranges rotting on the trees in the overgrown garden.
The contrasts are sharp. Cypriots on the southern side are told they live in Europe’s fourth richest economy. In northern Nicosia, the pockmarked streets badly need repairing, poverty is visible in the side streets, shops are badly stocked, buildings are crumbling, and the overbearing enthusiasm of officials in the tourist information kiosk close to the Kyrenia Gate betrays the fact that this side of Cyprus gets few visitors compared to the 2.5 million tourists expected to visit the rest of the island this year.
There can be no doubt about who stands to make the most economic gains when Cyprus is reunited. Talking to the people in the streets on each side, there is no doubt that they trust each other, and possibly want to trust each other’s politicians. Before he underwent his operation yesterday morning, President Glafkos Clerides received a goodwill message from the Turkish-Cypriot leader, Mr Rauf Denktash.
Whether the politicians can offer each other concessions that match the generosity of people on the streets remains to be seen. A new round of proximity talks are due to begin once Mr Clerides has recovered. Sadly, there are no major concessions on the negotiating table to date.
This international news feature was first published in ‘The Irish Times’ on Saturday 6 May 2000
Patrick Comerford
In the fashionable pedestrianised shopping area of Nicosia, close to the Green Line dividing Cyprus, a little shop in Lidhras Street still sells John Hinde postcards of the Ledra Palace Hotel, dating back to 1963 and still praising it for its “extensive gardens … luxurious bedrooms and suites and the largest conference and banqueting facilities on the island”.
But the Ledra Palace has not been used as a hotel for more than a quarter of a century. Instead it serves as headquarters for the UN peacekeeping forces on the island, standing at the only crossing point in the world’s last divided capital.
All along the Green Line in Nicosia, sentry boxes are posted at every gap between buildings and tense soldiers stand guard. A few short metres from the postcard shop in Lidhras Street, an exhibition of photographs outside the police station is a reminder of the 1,619 Greek Cypriots still missing and unaccounted for in the 26 years since the Turkish invasion in 1974: a young boy in tears as he holds up his parents' wedding photograph, a group of women in mourning black, holding single photographs of missing husbands, brothers or sons.
From a viewing platform at the nearby checkpoint it is possible to peer into the buffer zone where Lidhras Street continues straight through into the northern sector, on towards the Kyrenia Gate in the Venetian Walls on the other side of city.
Greek and Armenian names can still be seen on the forlorn, empty shops: Artin Bohdjalian and Sons; an Avis car rental agency with its faded, rusting, signs in Greek; Loizos Theophanous, who sold Harrison worsted suits; the hang-over balconies of neo-classical and modern buildings, the deserted and abandoned shops and restaurants. A stray, mangy tomcat picking his way through the overgrowth and rubble of deserted Ermou Street is the only sign of life in the buffer zone.
But the barbed wire, bricked-up walls and sentry boxes fail to hide the fact that this is a mixed city, no matter what has happened in the past. No armies and no political stubbornness can mask the fact that Nicosia was – and still has the potential to be – a mixed and cosmopolitan city. The cafe at the checkpoint dividing Phaneromeni Street has two names that are equally apt: “Berlin 2” and “Check Point Charly”.
Sitting, sipping a Cypriot coffee – it tastes the same whether it’s called Greek coffee or Turkish coffee – in the shade from the noonday sun, I hear the bells from Phaneromeni Church in the square nearby mingle with the call to prayer from the twin minarets of the Selimiye Mosque, once Ayia Sofia Cathedral, a few metres away inside northern Nicosia.
Ermou Street continues through the northern side of the buffer zone to the Paphos Gate in the old Venetian walls, ending in the most anomalous enclave. Holy Cross Church, run by the Franciscans and used mainly by domestic workers from Sri Lanka and the Philippines, is technically within Turkish-Cypriot territory. But the street has been cut short and blocked off before its front door, and the rear of the building has been sealed off, so access to the church can be gained only from the southern-controlled side by passing through an unmanned UN barrier. The surrounding buildings have been sandbagged and blocked up.
But then, Nicosia is a city of anomalies and contradictions. There are mosques in the heart of the Greek Cypriot quarters, and churches in the Turkish-controlled areas. Ethnic cleansing is never clean, and it seldom achieves its intended aims.
At the opposite end, on the eastern side of the city, Ermou Street emerges once again into the government-controlled side of the Green Line, close to the Archbishop’s Palace with its larger-than-life statue of the late Archbishop Makarios. The surrounding Tahtakale and Khrysaliniotissa districts could be the settings for pretty postcards from sun-kissed Greek islands in the Cyclades or the Dodecannese, with domed churches, whitewashed houses and wrought-iron balconies.
The “dead zone” is narrower here, and houses and businesses are full of life and commerce right up to the barriers. Dozens of homes have been renovated for young families in an effort to bring new life into the area.
The mayors and officials on both sides have agreed that when the barriers eventually tumble, Nicosia should not confront the same problems that faced Berlin when the wall came down. Pedestrianised streets on one side continue on to pedestrianised streets on the other, at least on the maps; shopping areas match shopping areas; housing renovation projects complement each other, and there are surprising stories of co-operation when it comes to laying sewage pipes or supplying electricity.
But the Ledra Palace Hotel, with its UN checkpoints flanked by Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot barriers and photo exhibitions, remains the only legal crossing from one side of Nicosia to the other. Walking along Markhou Dhrakou Avenue as it changes into Ikinci Selim Avenue is a sad experience. Neo-classical villas of a similar vintage stand beside one another. But one can have all the happy signs of family life, and stand beside another caught behind the zigzag of the Green Line, deserted and dilapidated, with the unpicked oranges rotting on the trees in the overgrown garden.
The contrasts are sharp. Cypriots on the southern side are told they live in Europe’s fourth richest economy. In northern Nicosia, the pockmarked streets badly need repairing, poverty is visible in the side streets, shops are badly stocked, buildings are crumbling, and the overbearing enthusiasm of officials in the tourist information kiosk close to the Kyrenia Gate betrays the fact that this side of Cyprus gets few visitors compared to the 2.5 million tourists expected to visit the rest of the island this year.
There can be no doubt about who stands to make the most economic gains when Cyprus is reunited. Talking to the people in the streets on each side, there is no doubt that they trust each other, and possibly want to trust each other’s politicians. Before he underwent his operation yesterday morning, President Glafkos Clerides received a goodwill message from the Turkish-Cypriot leader, Mr Rauf Denktash.
Whether the politicians can offer each other concessions that match the generosity of people on the streets remains to be seen. A new round of proximity talks are due to begin once Mr Clerides has recovered. Sadly, there are no major concessions on the negotiating table to date.
This international news feature was first published in ‘The Irish Times’ on Saturday 6 May 2000
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