No 3 and No 4 Grantham Street … the doorcases of Nos 3-13 Grantham Street offer a masterclass in the classical orders or architecture (Photograph: Patrick Comerford, 2015)
Patrick Comerford
At times, it seems, when the architectural heritage of Dublin is being promoted or advertised, there are only two options: either the great imposing buildings of Church, State and Society, such as the Parliament House (Bank of Ireland), Trinity College Dublin, the GPO, Dublin Castle, Leinster House and the cathedrals; of the great Georgian squares and terraces, such as Merrion Square, Fitzwilliam Square, Fitzwilliam Place, Fitzwilliam Street, and Pembroke Street.
The architectural historian Maurice Craig once listed the five major elevations of Dublin as: the Royal Hospital, Kilmainham; the Parliament House; Trinity College; the Custom House; and the Four Courts.
In advance of the Saint Patrick’s Day parade in New York in 1970, a colourful collage of Dublin doors appeared in the window of the Irish Tourism offices on Fifth Avenue. People on their way to watch the parade were so mesmerised by the collection that the offices were inundated with requests copies. There were so many requests that Joe Malone, then North American Manager of Bord Fáilte, commissioned the poster that has since become an icon of Ireland and Irish architectural heritage.
The doors are on houses on the Georgian squares and streets of Dublin that were laid out during the Hanoverian period in the 18th century as Dublin attracted new wealth.
But the focus on Dublin’s Georgian heritage means we often neglect the equally attractive and beautiful heritage of domestic architecture, including the houses and terraced villas built in the narrow but elegant streets on the south side of the city as Dublin found renewed prosperity in the Victorian age.
On my way to speak at a protest in the city centre yesterday afternoon [27 August 2015], I stopped off at the south or Kelly’s Corner end of Camden Street, and strolled through the area on the west side of the street, which is an almost complete Victorian suburb in itself.
The development of these streets probably began in the late 1830s. They include Pleasants Street, Heytesbury Street, Grantham Street and Synge Street, which were laid out and built over the space of three decades between the late 1830s and the late 1860s.
The name of Pleasants Street honours Thomas Pleasants (1729-1818), a Carlow-born merchant, property developer and philanthropist in Dublin. His bequests included over £12,000 for the erection of a large stove-house near Cork Street for poor weavers in the Liberties, £8,000 towards building the Meath Hospital, and his own house at 67 Camden Street to provide a girls’ school and orphanage, along with £1,200 a year to run it and extra sums for dowries for the girls.
Heytesbury Street was named after Lord Heytesbury, who was the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland from 1844 to 1846. But I wondered how Grantham Street could have been named after the Earl of Grantham, the aristocrat at the centre of the storyline in Downton Abbey, still less that it could have been named after Margaret Thatcher’s home town.
It turns out, though, that the title of Baron Grantham was one of the minor titles held by Heytesbury’s predecessor, Thomas de Grey (1781-1859), 2nd Earl Grey and 3rd Baron Grantham, who was the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland from 1841 to 1844.
He was known as Lord Grantham from 1786 until 1833, and perhaps his interest in Ireland was sparked many years earlier, for his wife Lady Henrietta Cole, was a daughter of the Earl of Enniskillen. During his time in Ireland he disagreed with Sir Robert Peel’s religious conciliation of Ireland, claiming that economic conciliation was a greater priority. He called for more legislation focused on Ireland while Peel pursued economic legislation aimed at benefitting the UK as a whole.
But, apart from an open declaration of loyalty, there may have been other reasons for an aspiring and ambitious architect to name Grantham Street after Lord de Grey: when the Institute of British Architects was founded in London in 1834, he became its first president. The institute received a Royal Charter in 1837 and became the Royal Institute of British Architects. He remained its president until he died in 1859.
A house on the south side of Grantham Street in a sad state of neglect and decay (Photograph: Patrick Comerford, 2015)
The buildings on the south side of Grantham Street, between Synge Street and Heytesbury Street, are larger than those on the opposite, north side, but some of these houses are now in a sad state of neglect and dereliction, and it seems some of their finest Victorian features are being purloined.
Camden Market, built in 1907, is later than the domestic buildings on Grantham Street (Photographs: Patrick Comerford, 2015)
On the east end of the street, the Camden Market was built in 1907. This is a row of red-brick shops with brick pilasters and a balustrade parapet.
Saint Kevin’s Female National Schools, built in 1886, was designed by George Coppinger Ashlin (Photograph: Patrick Comerford, 2015)
A few steps away is the former Saint Kevin’s Female National Schools built in 1886 and designed by George Coppinger Ashlin (1837-1921), a son-in-law of AWN Pugin and a partner of first Edward Welby Pugin (Pugin and Ashlin) and later of Thomas Aloysius Coleman (Ashlin and Coleman), two partnerships for which my grandfather and great-grandfather worked, and of William Henry Byrne (Ashlin and Byrne).
The third building noted in most architectural guides is the three-storey, three-bay, brown-brick Widows’ Almshouse at No 3 Grantham Street, designed by John Louch and built in 1858.
But there is an attractive and often unnoticed terrace of 11 houses on the north side of Grantham Street, between Heytesbury Street and Synge Street, and walking along them, attending to each one by turn, one-by-one, from No 3 to No 13, it is possible to have a masterclass in architecture in a few quick minutes, learning about the orders of classical architecture from the pillars and porches of each house.
There are three orders in Greek architecture, Doric, Ionic and Corinthian, to which the Romans added the Doric and the Composite (Image © Merriam-Webster, 2006)
The Architectural Orders or ancient styles of classical architecture are distinguished by their proportions and characteristic profiles and details, and most readily recognisable by the type of column employed.
Three ancient orders of architecture that originated in Greece are the Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian orders. To these, the Romans added the Tuscan, which they made simpler than Doric, and the Composite, which was more ornamental than the Corinthian.
It has been said that the architectural order of a classical building can be compared to the mode or key of classical music, or the grammar or rhetoric of a written composition. It is established by certain modules like the intervals of music, and it raises certain expectations.
Each style has distinctive capitals and entablatures
Each style has distinctive capitals and entablatures. The column shaft is sometimes articulated with vertical hollow grooves known as fluting. The shaft is wider at the bottom than at the top, because its entasis, beginning a third of the way up, imperceptibly makes the column slightly more slender at the top, although some Doric columns are visibly “flared,” with straight profiles that narrow going up the shaft.
The capital rests on the shaft. It has a load-bearing function that concentrates the weight of the entablature on the supportive column, but it primarily serves an aesthetic purpose.
The necking is the continuation of the shaft, but is visually separated by one or many grooves.
The echinus lies atop the necking. It is a circular block that bulges outwards towards the top to support the abacus, which is a square or shaped block that in turn supports the entablature. The entablature consists of three horizontal layers, all visually separated from each other using mouldings or bands.
The three distinct orders in Ancient Greek architecture, Doric, Ionic and Corinthian, were adopted by the Romans, who modified their capitals from the 1st century BC. The three Ancient Greek orders have since been consistently used in neo-classical European architecture, and the terrace of houses on this side of Grantham Street, from No 3 to No 13, almost provides a textbook illustration of their use.
Sometimes the Doric order is considered the earliest order, but there is no evidence to support this. Rather, the Doric and Ionic orders seem to have appeared at around the same time, the Ionic in eastern Greece and the Doric in the west and mainland Greece.
Both the Doric and the Ionic order appear to have originated in wood.
Nos 7, 8 and 12 Grantham Street are examples of the Doric order (Photographs: Patrick Comerford, 2015)
The Doric order is the simplest of the orders, characterised by short, faceted, heavy columns with plain, round capitals or tops. The Greek forms of the Doric order come without an individual base. Later forms, however, came with the conventional base consisting of a plinth and a torus.
The Temple of Hera in Olympia, built ca 600 BC, may be the oldest well-preserved temple of Doric architecture. But perhaps the most famous example of a Doric building is the Parthenon in Athens, the most studied work of architecture. The Doric order later spread across Greece and into Sicily, where it was the chief order for monumental architecture for 800 years.
Nos 9 and 10 Grantham Street are examples of the Ionic order (Photographs: Patrick Comerford, 2015)
The Ionic order came from eastern Greece. It is distinguished by slender, fluted pillars with a large base and two opposed volutes, also called scrolls, in the echinus of the capital. The echinus itself is decorated with an egg-and-dart motif. The Ionic shaft comes with four more flutes than the Doric counterpart (totalling 24). The Ionic base has two convex mouldings called tori which are separated by a scotia.
No 11 Grantham Street is an example of the Corinthian order, the most ornate of the Greek orders (Photographs: Patrick Comerford, 2015)
The Corinthian order is the most ornate of the Greek orders, characterised by a slender fluted column having an ornate capital decorated with two rows of acanthus leaves and four scrolls. It is commonly regarded as the most elegant of the three orders. The shaft of the Corinthian order has 24 flutes.
The Roman writer Vitruvius credited the invention of the Corinthian order to Callimachus, a Greek sculptor of the 5th century BC. The oldest known building built according to this order is the Choragic Monument of Lysicrates in Athens, built in 335-334 BC.
The Romans adapted all the Greek orders and also developed two orders of their own, basically modification of Greek orders. The Tuscan order has a very plain design, with a plain shaft, and a simple capital, base, and frieze. It is a simplified adaptation of the Doric order by the Romans.
Nos 4 and No 13 Grantham Street are examples of the Composite order, combining the volutes of the Ionic with the leaves of the Corinthian order (Photograph: Patrick Comerford, 2015)
The Composite order is a mixed order, combining the volutes of the Ionic with the leaves of the Corinthian order. However, until the Renaissance it was not ranked as a separate order but was considered a late Roman form of the Corinthian order.
No 5 and No 6 Grantham Street are paired, displaying consoles or ornamental brackets, with compound curved outlines, worked in the stucco plaster (Photograph: Patrick Comerford, 2015)
Many of the door cases on the Victorian houses in this part of Dublin are decorated with consoles or ornamental brackets, with compound curved outlines, and usually worked in the stucco that my grandfather and great-father were familiar with. But the houses on Grantham Street, with their classical-style stucco and mortar pillars are worth the same attention we give to the Georgian houses and grand public buildings of Dublin.
The doorcase at No 3 Grantham Street stands out from the rest of the terrace … an interpretation of the Tuscan order, or perhaps a sign of hurried work or indecision? (Photograph: Patrick Comerford, 2015)
28 August 2015
Celebrating Saint Augustine
with the community in Orlagh
What is the future for Orlagh? (Photograph: Patrick Comerford, 2015)
Patrick Comerford
I have been invited to the celebrations in the Orlagh Restreat Centre this evening marking Saint Augustine’s Day [28 August].
Sadly, this may the final celebration of Saint Augustine’s Day in Orlagh, which is due to close in the coming months.
The evening begins at 5 p.m. with a lecture by Archbishop Michael Jackson of Dublin, who is a recognised authority on Saint Augustine, and who has been asked to reflect on the relevance of Saint Augustine today, under the title ‘Catholicity and confusion.’
He says: “The early Augustine uses the image of the Ark of Noah as an image for the Church of God on earth. The skunk and the snake need to come to some accommodation, otherwise the alternative is ecclesiological cannibalism.”
And he says: “A first pointer from Augustine is a recognition at a human level of a need for a community of friends and a community of ideas.”
Saint Augustine is one of the few saints named in the 39 Articles (see Article 29), and he strongly influenced the writing of the collects and the Book of Common Prayer.
The lecture is followed by Mass at 6.15 p.m., when Archbishop Jackson is also the preacher, and there is a buffet meal at 7.30 p.m.
The Orlagh Retreat Centre … another chapter is about to come to an end (Photograph: Patrick Comerford, 2015)
Many years ago, I had one of my pre-ordination retreats at Orlagh. The Augustinian community there, the Orlagh Team and the house staff have created a welcoming atmosphere and a warm welcome in a beautiful setting in pasture and woodland, with panoramic views over Dublin City and Bay out to Howth Head. It is a combination that has created an atmosphere that encourages and instills contemplation and reflection.
A statement issued by the Orlagh community and team earlier this year[15 March 2015] said that the Augustinian Province and council have decided “with regret, to close Orlagh.”
The team was asked not to take any booking after next month [September 2015], not to prepare programmes for 2015-2016, and the property will be placed on the market next Spring [2016]. So long as Augustinians are living in the house, Sunday and weekday masses and the weekly meditations will continue, but this evening’s celebrations seem to be the last ones there marking Saint Augustine’s Day.
The mist-clouded view from Orlagh across the city and Dublin Bay (Photograph: Patrick Comerford, 2015)
Patrick Comerford
I have been invited to the celebrations in the Orlagh Restreat Centre this evening marking Saint Augustine’s Day [28 August].
Sadly, this may the final celebration of Saint Augustine’s Day in Orlagh, which is due to close in the coming months.
The evening begins at 5 p.m. with a lecture by Archbishop Michael Jackson of Dublin, who is a recognised authority on Saint Augustine, and who has been asked to reflect on the relevance of Saint Augustine today, under the title ‘Catholicity and confusion.’
He says: “The early Augustine uses the image of the Ark of Noah as an image for the Church of God on earth. The skunk and the snake need to come to some accommodation, otherwise the alternative is ecclesiological cannibalism.”
And he says: “A first pointer from Augustine is a recognition at a human level of a need for a community of friends and a community of ideas.”
Saint Augustine is one of the few saints named in the 39 Articles (see Article 29), and he strongly influenced the writing of the collects and the Book of Common Prayer.
The lecture is followed by Mass at 6.15 p.m., when Archbishop Jackson is also the preacher, and there is a buffet meal at 7.30 p.m.
The Orlagh Retreat Centre … another chapter is about to come to an end (Photograph: Patrick Comerford, 2015)
Many years ago, I had one of my pre-ordination retreats at Orlagh. The Augustinian community there, the Orlagh Team and the house staff have created a welcoming atmosphere and a warm welcome in a beautiful setting in pasture and woodland, with panoramic views over Dublin City and Bay out to Howth Head. It is a combination that has created an atmosphere that encourages and instills contemplation and reflection.
A statement issued by the Orlagh community and team earlier this year[15 March 2015] said that the Augustinian Province and council have decided “with regret, to close Orlagh.”
The team was asked not to take any booking after next month [September 2015], not to prepare programmes for 2015-2016, and the property will be placed on the market next Spring [2016]. So long as Augustinians are living in the house, Sunday and weekday masses and the weekly meditations will continue, but this evening’s celebrations seem to be the last ones there marking Saint Augustine’s Day.
The mist-clouded view from Orlagh across the city and Dublin Bay (Photograph: Patrick Comerford, 2015)
If it’s all about the traffickers, why are
politicians not taking holidays in Syria?
Why is this happening in Europe on the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II?
Patrick Comerford
President, Irish Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (Irish CND)
5 p.m., 27 August 2015,
European Union offices, Dawson Street, Dublin 2.
Over the past few days, I am sure, many of us have been distressed by images on television news and in every newspaper of the refugee crisis that is sweeping across the Mediterranean, the Balkans and through Europe.
The images of frightened children clinging to each other or to bewildered parents, of vast numbers of people on railway tracks, of children and foot-weary people of all age or being held back as razor wire is rolled out, and of families clambering onto overcrowded trains heading north from the Balkans to Austria or Germany all bring back haunting images of World War II and the concentration camps.
Have we failed to see the irony that this is all unfolding on the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II?
Seventy years after World War II, governments are spending vast sums of money on border checkpoints, truncheons and shields, razorwire-rimmed detention camps, and now, as show on news channels across Europe last night, gas to hold back the people that are not being treated as, not being seen as human.
In the day I am glimpsing flashing images of the concentration camps, and at night in my dreams I am asking over and over again what am I doing about this? Am I saying enough? Am I speaking out loud enough? Is anyone listening?
Who is listening to these children? Who hears their cries and sees the tears and the fear on their faces? Who is saying ‘Stop!’?
The responses from border police are not accidental, or taken in unguarded moments. The police we see rolling out the razorwire, raising their shields and truncheons and opening fire with teargas will hopefully have to answer for the actions sooner rather than later.
As the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has pointed out in the last day or two, being an asylum seeker and being a refugee is not a crime. But treating them like this is criminal, is a crime in international law.
And when they are brought to court, then, undoubtedly, we shall hear the defence: “I was only following orders.”
The orders have come – just as they did over 70 years ago – the orders are coming from politicians. And they are finding their cheer leaders in the same red-top tabloids that backed Hitler and Moseley in the 1930s.
When the Anglican priest and Guardian columnist Giles Fraser visited the migrant camps in Calais and worshipped with them in the makeshift chapel served by Eritrean priests, he was attacked by the red-top tabloids in England, with the Daily Mail and the Daily Express in particular criticising the BBC for filming Songs of Praise, the anodyne and innocuous Songs of Praise, in Calais, using public money, the licence fees, to tell the migrants’ stories.
Giles Fraser replied to his tabloid critics, saying: “The right-wing press keeps banging on about this being a Christian nation. But they hate it when it behaves like one.”
The public consternation in Britain has been fired by politicians using words like “swarm” and “marauding.” The language has been alarmist and increasingly racist, to the point that the Sun columnist Katie Hopkins has used the language of the Third Reich when she wrote about migrants as “cockroaches.”
Despite panic about the “swarms” of migrants supposedly trying to reach British shores from Calais, only four per cent of Europe’s asylum seekers are applying to stay in the UK. And so far this Britain has taken no refugees from Syria – not one, none, zero.
In telling contrast, a report in the Guardian showed that unemployed Britons in Europe are drawing much more in benefits and allowances in the wealthier EU member states than their nationals are claiming in Britain, despite British government arguments about migrants flocking in to secure better welfare payments.
The language and distortion by senior EU politicians is heightening xenophobia throughout Europe. The British Prime Minister David Cameron has referred to a ‘swarm’ of refugees trying to enter Britain through Calais. The British Foreign Secretary, Philip Hammond, has portrayed these refugees as marauders who would soon hasten the collapse of European civilisation.
The British Home Secretary, Theresa May, recently claimed that the vast majority of migrants to Europe are Africans travelling for economic reasons. The reality is that the overwhelming majority of migrants in the present crisis are refugees fleeing from wars and conflicts in Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Eritrea and beyond.
Mrs May wants to send them home. If she thinks these countries are safe, happy holiday destinations, why does she not take her next Mediterranean package holiday in sunny Syria, luxurious Libya or ecstatic Eritrea?
If European governments can force tour operators and holiday-makers to cancel packages in Tunisia because of one incident, one admittedly horrific incident, on a beach in Tunisia, why on earth do they think anyone would want to spend time in Syria, Libya, Eritrea, Iraq, Pakistan or Afghanistan right now?
The answer from most European governments has been to focus on the traffickers, who are packing asylum seekers and refugees into coffin ships and sinking boats in the Mediterranean.
But focussing on the traffickers avoids facing up to the causes of these conflicts. Who bombed and invaded Iraq, Libya and Afghanistan and turned them into basket cases? Who marginalised Syria as part of an “axis of evil” and so gave rise to the so-called Islamic State, which is financed, fuelled and facilitated by Saudi Arabia, the West’s strongest ally in the Middle East and the one country singularly responsible for the 9/11 bombings?
The overwhelming majority of the people on the move today are refugees and not migrants. Middle Eastern countries and Turkey have taken the greatest burden, with Turkey hosting 1.8 million refugees from Syria alone, and Lebanon hosting 1.2 million Syrian refugees.
In Syria, an estimated 11.6 million people have been displaced, 4 million of these externally. Refugees are fleeing Syria because between 150,000 and 330,000 of their fellow Syrians have died at the hands of the Assad regime, rebel groups and Islamic State, in a brutal civil war.
Meanwhile, millions of people remain trapped inside Syria at the mercy of conflict, without food, water, or adequate shelter. Eight children are being killed each and every day in Syria, so that an entire generation is being traumatised by this horrific conflict.
What can be done?
The mandate for the Irish naval presence in the Mediterranean must be renewed and that presence must be strengthened and financed fully.
The EU must treat the Syria crisis as an absolute priority.
The EU and the EU member states must offer an increased number of resettlement places to Syrian refugees, prioritising the most vulnerable.
The EU and the member states must urgently increase funding for the response and to ensure that existing funding commitments are fully met.
The EU and its member states must put immediate pressure on the international community to find a political solution to the crisis, prioritising the protection of civilians in Syria.
You can do this by signing the urgent appeal that has been initiated by the agency GOAL.
And we can, we must continue to put pressure on our local, national and European representatives and politicians.
(Rev Canon Professor) Patrick Comerford is President of the Irish Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (Irish CND). He was speaking at a protest about the present refugee crisis, organised by the Irish Anti-War Movement at the EU Offices in Dawson Street, Dublin, on 27 August 2015.
Patrick Comerford
President, Irish Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (Irish CND)
5 p.m., 27 August 2015,
European Union offices, Dawson Street, Dublin 2.
Over the past few days, I am sure, many of us have been distressed by images on television news and in every newspaper of the refugee crisis that is sweeping across the Mediterranean, the Balkans and through Europe.
The images of frightened children clinging to each other or to bewildered parents, of vast numbers of people on railway tracks, of children and foot-weary people of all age or being held back as razor wire is rolled out, and of families clambering onto overcrowded trains heading north from the Balkans to Austria or Germany all bring back haunting images of World War II and the concentration camps.
Have we failed to see the irony that this is all unfolding on the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II?
Seventy years after World War II, governments are spending vast sums of money on border checkpoints, truncheons and shields, razorwire-rimmed detention camps, and now, as show on news channels across Europe last night, gas to hold back the people that are not being treated as, not being seen as human.
In the day I am glimpsing flashing images of the concentration camps, and at night in my dreams I am asking over and over again what am I doing about this? Am I saying enough? Am I speaking out loud enough? Is anyone listening?
Who is listening to these children? Who hears their cries and sees the tears and the fear on their faces? Who is saying ‘Stop!’?
The responses from border police are not accidental, or taken in unguarded moments. The police we see rolling out the razorwire, raising their shields and truncheons and opening fire with teargas will hopefully have to answer for the actions sooner rather than later.
As the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has pointed out in the last day or two, being an asylum seeker and being a refugee is not a crime. But treating them like this is criminal, is a crime in international law.
And when they are brought to court, then, undoubtedly, we shall hear the defence: “I was only following orders.”
The orders have come – just as they did over 70 years ago – the orders are coming from politicians. And they are finding their cheer leaders in the same red-top tabloids that backed Hitler and Moseley in the 1930s.
When the Anglican priest and Guardian columnist Giles Fraser visited the migrant camps in Calais and worshipped with them in the makeshift chapel served by Eritrean priests, he was attacked by the red-top tabloids in England, with the Daily Mail and the Daily Express in particular criticising the BBC for filming Songs of Praise, the anodyne and innocuous Songs of Praise, in Calais, using public money, the licence fees, to tell the migrants’ stories.
Giles Fraser replied to his tabloid critics, saying: “The right-wing press keeps banging on about this being a Christian nation. But they hate it when it behaves like one.”
The public consternation in Britain has been fired by politicians using words like “swarm” and “marauding.” The language has been alarmist and increasingly racist, to the point that the Sun columnist Katie Hopkins has used the language of the Third Reich when she wrote about migrants as “cockroaches.”
Despite panic about the “swarms” of migrants supposedly trying to reach British shores from Calais, only four per cent of Europe’s asylum seekers are applying to stay in the UK. And so far this Britain has taken no refugees from Syria – not one, none, zero.
In telling contrast, a report in the Guardian showed that unemployed Britons in Europe are drawing much more in benefits and allowances in the wealthier EU member states than their nationals are claiming in Britain, despite British government arguments about migrants flocking in to secure better welfare payments.
The language and distortion by senior EU politicians is heightening xenophobia throughout Europe. The British Prime Minister David Cameron has referred to a ‘swarm’ of refugees trying to enter Britain through Calais. The British Foreign Secretary, Philip Hammond, has portrayed these refugees as marauders who would soon hasten the collapse of European civilisation.
The British Home Secretary, Theresa May, recently claimed that the vast majority of migrants to Europe are Africans travelling for economic reasons. The reality is that the overwhelming majority of migrants in the present crisis are refugees fleeing from wars and conflicts in Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Eritrea and beyond.
Mrs May wants to send them home. If she thinks these countries are safe, happy holiday destinations, why does she not take her next Mediterranean package holiday in sunny Syria, luxurious Libya or ecstatic Eritrea?
If European governments can force tour operators and holiday-makers to cancel packages in Tunisia because of one incident, one admittedly horrific incident, on a beach in Tunisia, why on earth do they think anyone would want to spend time in Syria, Libya, Eritrea, Iraq, Pakistan or Afghanistan right now?
The answer from most European governments has been to focus on the traffickers, who are packing asylum seekers and refugees into coffin ships and sinking boats in the Mediterranean.
But focussing on the traffickers avoids facing up to the causes of these conflicts. Who bombed and invaded Iraq, Libya and Afghanistan and turned them into basket cases? Who marginalised Syria as part of an “axis of evil” and so gave rise to the so-called Islamic State, which is financed, fuelled and facilitated by Saudi Arabia, the West’s strongest ally in the Middle East and the one country singularly responsible for the 9/11 bombings?
The overwhelming majority of the people on the move today are refugees and not migrants. Middle Eastern countries and Turkey have taken the greatest burden, with Turkey hosting 1.8 million refugees from Syria alone, and Lebanon hosting 1.2 million Syrian refugees.
In Syria, an estimated 11.6 million people have been displaced, 4 million of these externally. Refugees are fleeing Syria because between 150,000 and 330,000 of their fellow Syrians have died at the hands of the Assad regime, rebel groups and Islamic State, in a brutal civil war.
Meanwhile, millions of people remain trapped inside Syria at the mercy of conflict, without food, water, or adequate shelter. Eight children are being killed each and every day in Syria, so that an entire generation is being traumatised by this horrific conflict.
What can be done?
The mandate for the Irish naval presence in the Mediterranean must be renewed and that presence must be strengthened and financed fully.
The EU must treat the Syria crisis as an absolute priority.
The EU and the EU member states must offer an increased number of resettlement places to Syrian refugees, prioritising the most vulnerable.
The EU and the member states must urgently increase funding for the response and to ensure that existing funding commitments are fully met.
The EU and its member states must put immediate pressure on the international community to find a political solution to the crisis, prioritising the protection of civilians in Syria.
You can do this by signing the urgent appeal that has been initiated by the agency GOAL.
And we can, we must continue to put pressure on our local, national and European representatives and politicians.
(Rev Canon Professor) Patrick Comerford is President of the Irish Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (Irish CND). He was speaking at a protest about the present refugee crisis, organised by the Irish Anti-War Movement at the EU Offices in Dawson Street, Dublin, on 27 August 2015.
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