Friday, 8 March 2013
Church History (full-time) 10.1, Why did the Reformation fail?
Church of Ireland Theological Institute,
Church History Elective (TH 7864)
Friday 8 March 2013, 9 .a.m. to 12 noon:
9 a.m., 10.1, Why did the Reformation fail?
10 a.m., 10.2, The Boyne and the Penal Laws
11 a.m., 10.3, Disestablishment and the Ultramontane triumph
9 a.m., 10.1, Why did the Reformation fail?
The Reformation in Ireland presents us with perplexing questions and complex problems. Here are some questions to consider:
● Was this a truly Irish Reformation or an English Protestant Reformation, imposed from above and by statute, within the larger context of Tudor expansion and colonisation, dispossession and consolidation?
● Why did the Reformation eventually fail in Ireland, at a time when political and military conquests appear to have been effective?
● Why and when precisely did this Reformation fail, particularly in the Pale?
● Can such terms as “success” and “failure” ever be used to describe the religious policies in the 16th century?
● What role did political figures play in shaping religious policy?
In the last half century years, historians of early modern Ireland, including Brendan Bradshaw, James Murray, Alan Ford, Nicholas Canny, Raymond Gillespie, Colm Lennon and others, have debated these questions, often with contentious, contested and different results.
The Reformation in Ireland was supported by both legislation and by a Protestant ruling class. Yet, reason and persuasion, legislation and coercion, and the Established status of the Church of Ireland failed to win the hearts and minds of the majority of people on this island.
There was limited conformity among the Gaelic Irish and those families known as “Old English.” But for the most part, people from those families not only remained Catholic but also were soon denied opportunities for social advancement and were penalised in law.
We could compare this to the very different situation, for example, in Wales, or in Finland, where the Finns under Swedish rule accepted the Lutheran Reformation.
● Why did something similar not happen in Ireland?
● If the Gaelic Irish and “Old English” families felt oppressed, why did they not also seek to throw off what might have been seen as “the yoke of Rome”?
● How do we explain why the Reformation failed to take hold in much of Ireland at a popular level?
The failure of the Reformation to take root in Ireland stands in contrast to the situation in England. Brendan Bradshaw has shown that the impact of the Reformation under Henry VIII in English Ireland was not altogether different from its impact on outlying parts of England, and he has identified the existence of a native reform movement among the English-speaking community in Ireland.
1, Introducing the Reformation to Ireland
The ruins of Maynooth Castle ... the FitzGerald rebellion in 1534-1535 explains many of the later responses to the Reformation (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)
According to Dr Brendan Bradshaw of Queens’ College, Cambridge, the reigns of Edward VI and Mary Tudor mark a transitional phase in Tudor policy in Ireland. The gradual introduction under Edward VI of the Anglican settlement was met with an increasingly equivocal response from the local community.
But the antagonism that would develop towards the Reformation might have been expected in the political developments in the decades immediately before its unfolding.
Historians view mid-Tudor developments as central to the failure of the Reformation in Ireland.
A key to understanding how the “Old English” families were alienated from government and reformation, from church and state, is found in the Tudor policies in governance even before the Reformation. From 1496 on, the Tudors relied for government in Ireland on the FitzGerald family, Earls of Kildare, who monopolised the office of Deputy, and who were able to govern Ireland in the King’s name without subventions from English revenue.
This comparative stability meant Ireland neither presented a sufficient threat nor promised ample enough rewards to justify direct intervention, but was also left without any reforms in government, leaving a large degree of independence for the Earls of Kildare as they exercised their governmental functions.
All this changed with the revolt of the Kildare heir, “Silken Thomas,” in 1534 in order to show the indispensability of the FitzGeralds to the crown and to regain the office of Governor for the family. Greater disorder spread in Ireland, and a determined effort was made to solve the problem of governing Ireland without dependence on the Earls of Kildare. Dr Steve Ellis of NUI Galway and Dr Brendan Bradshaw of Cambridge have shown that the Rebellion of Silken Thomas was a response to the introduction of centralising policies.
Shortly after the rebellion began, Silken Thomas’s adherents were claiming they were “of the pope’s sect and band, and him will they serve against the king and all his partakers; saying further that the king is accursed and as many as take his part, and shall be openly accursed.”
This support for the papacy against Henry VIII linked the rebels with opposition to the Reformation. By playing the religious card, Silken transformed the struggle into a rebellion of international significance with the initial prospect of Spanish assistance.
Henry VIII called Kildare’s bluff, and in October 1534, Sir William Skeffington landed with 2,300 men, the largest English army seen in Ireland since 1399 in the reign of Richard II. A rebellion that began as a protest became a war about English rule in Ireland, with Thomas relying on Gaelic Irish support in Ireland and hoping for Catholic aid from outside. The Kildare stronghold in Maynooth fell in March 1535; by August, Silken Thomas had surrendered.
The suppression of the rebellion marks a turning point in Irish history. It spelt the end of that Kildare dominance and ushered in significant changes in Ireland significant changes in English attitudes to Ireland. No longer would the government of Ireland be delegated to leading members of the Anglo-Irish aristocracy, English officials would head the Irish executive under direction from London, and an army from England would enforce his authority.
The official Reformation campaign received a setback when tensions developed into a deep division between those who advocated of persuasion and those who favoured coercion. At the same time, another political rift opened between the “Old English” and the “New English” politicians and families.
Thomas Cromwell’s programme for Ireland in 1534 had included the introduction of the Reformation. The rebellion set back plans to introduce the necessary legislation in the Irish parliament. But in 1536-1537, the Irish parliament accepted measures rejecting the Pope’s authority and recognising the king as the supreme head of the Irish Church.
In 1536, the Irish Parliament declared that Henry VIII was “the only supreme head in earth of the whole Church of Ireland.”
In Ireland, as in England, Henry VIII was concerned less with doctrine and theology than with authority. The changes introduced by the Irish parliament of 1536 were directed primarily at replacing the power of the Pope with the power of the King. But there were no dramatic changes in the worship or religious observance.
There was little overt opposition to these mild changes. But we need to remember the legislation had been preceded by the crushing of a rebellion in which those who were prepared to fight for the papal cause had already shown their hand and had paid the price.
But, while the association between fidelity to Catholicism and treasonable rebellion was enough to deter resistance to the reformation measures, there was little enthusiasm, even within the Pale, for the new order.
An attempt to introduce liturgical reforms in Edward VI’s reign was short-lived, and the calm transition to a Catholic established church under Mary I indicates the failure of the first phases of the Reformation to take deep roots in Ireland.
When Roman Catholicism was restored as the state Church under Mary Tudor, the Counter Reformation, which we were looking at a few weeks ago, had an opportunity to take a foothold in Ireland.
At the accession of Elizabeth in 1558, the Reformation was undertaken again. The first steps were legislative:
● the Act of Supremacy in 1560 restored royal authority, and made provision for the ecclesiastical commission to oversee the reform of the Church;
● the Act of Uniformity in 1560 ordered attendance at the parish church on pain of fine, provided for the use of The Book of Common Prayer, but allowed that clergy who could not speak English could use in Latin.
By the 1570s, when the Elizabethan government was consolidating its hold in England, the “Old English” in Ireland had become firmly identified with the Roman Catholic cause.
2, Failing to finance the Reformation:
In theory, the Church of Ireland inherited the ministry, property and patronage of the mediaeval church. In practice, it inherited a ramshackle institution which suffered during the century from still further decay. The resources and incomes of the church had declined substantially in the 15th century. The dissolution of the monasteries transferred a considerable amount of Church property to lay hands, local lords preyed on church benefices, tithes, and property, and few of these figures were genuinely interested in the cure of souls or the training of clergy.
A major source on the wealth and structure of the Tudor Church in England and Wales in the early Reformation period was the Valor Ecclesiasticus, compiled in response to the administrative needs created by the Act for First Fruits and Tenths (26 Henry VIII, cap 3 ), which effectively transferred to the Crown the old Papal tax of annates on the income of major benefices, broadened into a tax of the first year’s income of all benefices, and added a continuing tax of a tenth of each subsequent year’s income. The Valor provides a systematic survey of clerical income, and lists the value of each benefice in each diocese in England and Wales.
When the Irish Reformation Parliament met in May 1536, the government introduced similar bills for the Church in Ireland. An Act of First Fruits was passed that month, but opposition eventually led to a modified Act of the Twentieth Part, which was passed in October 1537, reducing the English tenth was reduced to one twentieth in Ireland.
However, there was still a need for a survey similar to that in England and Wales, and the Valor Beneficiorum Ecclesiasticorum in Hibernia was compiled in Ireland.
The entries cover:
● Armagh (inter Anglicos, plus the rectory of Carrickfergus),
● Kildare (excluding 14 benefices in Irish territory),
● half of Leighlin (excluding the Gaelic Lordship of Leix or Laois);
● five benefices on the borders of Co Meath, but in the Diocese of Kilmore and Ardagh;
● nine benefices in the Diocese of Waterford;
● about half the benefices in Limerick, but not the bishopric itself.
Over time, other valuations were added, so that most of Tuam was assessed in 1585-1586.
The ability of the Government to enforce the Reformation in parishes was often determined by the value of the livings and the size of the parishes. Where benefices were rich enough to attract well-educated clergy, and where parishes were comparatively small, control and conformity were much easier to determine. But where parishes were poorer and larger, the ability to enforce or demand conformity was reduced.
About £13 a year was the minimum for a rector or vicar to subsist comfortably. But the Irish Valor suggests that in English Ireland, 85% of the livings were worth only IR£15 (£10) or less. In many parts of England and Wales, the poverty of livings was a major cause of the ignorance of the clergy. This means the situation in Ireland was more serious.
Before the Reformation, priests were expected only to say Mass and administer the sacraments. But in a period of rapid change, when the literacy requirements became a new need, and higher levels of literacy were expected, recruiting highly-educated clergy who had the capacity to introduce reform in their parishes was more difficult.
In England, the valuations ranged from £411.0.11 in Rochester to £3,880 in Winchester. Compare these figures with those for Ireland and Wales.
The contrast between the dioceses of Dublin and Meath suggests that even where endowments were adequate, unsympathetic patrons could still thwart the reform campaign by appointing ill-qualified ministers to livings.
The Valor shows that in the 22 diocese for which we have valuations, only 19 benefices, including nine bishoprics, were worth £30 or more a year. In other words, by 1603, little more than 100 livings in the Church of Ireland could support resident clergy.
In most cases, the only way of providing ministers with an adequate income was to accept pluralism on a large scale, uniting two or three benefices. We could say this allowed the Church of Ireland to opt for quality rather than quantity, and this resulted, for example, in a 21% increase in the number of clergy in the south and west between 1615 and 1634.
The incomplete returns for the visitations of 1615 and 1622 suggest that in 1615 the Church of Ireland had 800 clergy to serve 2,492 parishes.
The creation and provision of qualified clergy in this period becomes a signal achievement. Yet, the Church of Ireland continued to be without an effective presence in many parts of Ireland.
Only two dioceses – Dublin and Meath – had the financial resources needed to equal the Reformation campaign in the Church of England. But these two dioceses suffered disproportionately from the monastic dissolutions.
The Church authorities still failed to make the best use of available resources. Lay impropriators were permitted to strip the Church of its wealth and to appoint inadequately-trained clergy to the livings, so that far too few clergy were available to promote the Reformation in Ireland.
3, Over-cumbersome structures:
We must ask too whether the structures of the Church were too cumbersome.
The Church in pre-Reformation Ireland had 32 dioceses. Compare this with England, which was much larger, wealthier and more populous, and had only 17 dioceses, and with Wales, which had only four dioceses.
Despite the legislation for the Dissolution of the Monasteries, the failure to introduce institutional reforms as well as reforms to liturgy, and reforms in other areas, indicated a failure to think through the theoretical aspect of the Reformation, and later allowed careerists to take a grip on the Church and on its income.
4, Political and Social Failures:
Under Henry VIII, the Reformation was confined to the English-speaking parts of Ireland, where the government could appeal to loyalty and deference to support the Reformation.
So the attitude of the local leading families was vital in determining the eventual responses to the Tudor Reformation. But political relations between the Dublin administration and the “Old English” families in Ireland became increasingly strained after the mid-16th century, reducing the level of local support and co-operation.
The Church of Ireland faced even more difficult problems in Gaelic Ireland, where the Reformation campaign was closely associated with military conquest.
The urgent need to politically control Gaelic Ireland distracted the Dublin administration from the task of enforcing the Reformation in English-speaking parts. But this does not explain why the “Old English” were the earliest champions of port-Tridentine Catholicism in Ireland.
However, the evidence suggests that post-Tridentine Catholicism was established more firmly and at an earlier date in the English Pale and towns that had traditionally provided the backbone of English rule in Ireland. Its main supporters were the “Old English” merchants, nobles and gentry, so that the children and the grandchildren of those who had supported and profited from the Reformation in the reign of Henry VIII were among the leading Catholics in the reign of Elizabeth I.
This shows that both Church and State were inadequate in introducing the Reformation in English-speaking Ireland – despite the fact that English-speaking Ireland was more susceptible to government pressure than Gaelic Ireland.
There is also a significant urban factor to consider. The towns played a major role exercised a major role in moulding public opinion. One early Tudor official described towns as “the anchors of the state.” Many of the seaport towns had strong trading links with France, Spain and Portugal.
The gentry and the leading merchant families in the towns of the Pale could afford to support Catholic priests. By the mid-1560s, the leading merchants of Waterford were sending relatives abroad to train in continental seminaries.
Nor did the Irish Ireland Parliament pass an act to dissolve the chantries, which were integrally linked with the mediaeval guilds in the towns. Their revenue continued to be used to maintain Catholic priests and liturgies.
Because church endowments in the Church of Ireland were inadequate, and because of the a growing alienation of the “Old English” from government the way was paved for leading merchant and gentry to families to counter the Reformation campaign of State and Church. Their growing political alienation from government after 1547 provided the agents of the Counter-Reformation with a receptive and influential base.
6, Literacy and learning:
Another contributing factor was the low levels of literacy and learning among the clergy. Accepting the Reformation involved a shift from a visual presentation of religion, centred on the Mass, to a Bible-focused presentation of faith, based on Bible readings and sermons. But this meant that impact of the Reformation was blunted among the less educated and non-literate sections of the population.
In both Wales and English-speaking Ireland, opponents of change sought to portray the Tudor reformation not simply as a novelty but as an English and implant.
From the outset, there was a vigorous campaign to make prayer books available in Welsh. In addition, people in Wales were aware of the Tudors’ Welsh origins. By 1552 at least six books had appeared in Welsh, including translations of the Creed, the Ten Commandments, the Lord’s Prayer, and the Epistles and Gospels for The Book of Common Prayer, and full translations of The Book of Common Prayer and the New Testament followed in 1567. This helps to explain why the Reformation was soon accepted in Wales as an indigenous, home-grown movement.
The expectation that the Reformation would be spread in Ireland by English-speaking clergy, with an English liturgy, was a major mistake in promoting a reform movement that emphasised the language of the people. To seek to win Ireland for the Reformation, while stressing the use of English, automatically limited its appeal and linked it closely with the Dublin government.
In time, English and Protestant became synonyms in Ireland. Meanwhile, the “Old English” were increasingly excluded under Elizabeth from positions of influence in Dublin while adventurers from England were preferred.
By the time Trinity College Dublin was established in 1592, with the purpose of training and providing a literate and educated clergy for the Church of Ireland, the Counter-Reformation had taken a lasting grip on the towns and on the “Old English” families. Meanwhile, it would take generations of endeavours to educate those training in TCD in the Irish language and to provide Irish-language translations of the Bible and of The Book of Common Prayer.
7, No ‘joined-up writing’
Dublin Castle … was there enough ‘joined-up writing’ in Government policy on enforcing or encouraging the Reformation? (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)
Beyond the Pale, the extension of the Reformation to the rest of Ireland depended on the Crown’s ability to establish its authority. And the disappearance of the defeat of the FitzGeralds of Kildare removed both a buffer and a mediator between the Government and the Gaelic Irish lords.
But the size and strength of the army in Ireland was reduced in 1537. A policy of piecemeal campaigning, adopted under the Lord Deputy, Leonard Gray, brought few lasting benefits. Gray was unable to consolidate his victories and alienated many of the Gaelic Irish leaders.
Sir Anthony St Leger arrived in July 1540 as Lord Deputy, and he planned a system of government that incorporated the Gaelic Irish. In 1541, the mediaeval lordship of Ireland came to an end and the king’s title changed from “Lord of Ireland,” which dates from Henry II’s links with the Pope in the 12th century, to “King of Ireland.” Any impression that the Pope still delegated sovereignty over Ireland was removed, and the Gaelic Irish were asked to give their loyalty to the King.
At the time, Church and State were closely linked throughout Europe, and it was assumed the civil authorities had a vital role in rooting out heresy and imposing conformity. But the link with the state in Ireland was particularly awkward for the church, because of the weakness of the Dublin government and political climate in Ireland. In those large swathes of Ulster and Connacht outside the royal writ, the Church of Ireland had only a nominal presence.
The Dublin administration was anxious not to put additional strains on government and not to test the loyalty of subjects when rebellion was constantly on the horizon.
8, Resistance among the clergy to the Reformation:
Saint Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin … the ‘nerve centre’ and ‘most potent symbol’ of the ‘Old English’ elite among the clergy (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)
James Murray points out that – with the exception of the reign of Mary Tudor (1553-1558) – the Reformation in Ireland needs to be viewed against the background of the struggle between reforming archbishops and a clerical conservative elite.
Within the Pale, the “Old English” elite among the clergy, who were “Catholic and English to the core,” claimed Saint Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin, as its “nerve centre” and “most potent symbol,” and assiduously upholding the principles of the papal bull Laudabiliter (1155), which was used to justify the conquest of Ireland by the English Crown.
The Pale community had preserved English Church practices and traditions up to the Reformation.
Murray argues that when the break with Rome came, it was not the assertion of the royal supremacy that was opposed so much as the Crown’s “disregard for the independence and liberties of the clerical estate, [which] undermined or threatened to destroy virtually every element of the clerical elite’s ethos, including the political basis of the Laudabiliter settlement, the intellectual and legal foundations of their cherished notions of canonical correctness, and even their own hallowed position in Pale society.
The difficulties facing the Archbishop of Dublin, George Browne, included a concerted clerical opposition, “the fitful nature of the king’s and Cromwell’s interest in Ireland,” and a general mistrust between Crown and the Irish-based ruling class, that got off to a bad start with the Kildare revolt in 1534.
Browne’s policies ensured clerical obedience and conformity, at least in the Pale. The suppression of the monasteries allowed him to further weaken the resistance of the clergy, so that the Reformation made significant headway that was interrupted only by the fall of Thomas Cromwell in 1540.
Cromwell’s death was followed by the appointment of Anthony St. Leger as Lord Deputy. Browne was married but St Leger introduced a renewed campaign against incontinent priests.
St Leger merged political and ecclesiastical reform, represented by Henry VIII being proclaimed King in 1541, abandoning the title of “Lord of Ireland” that was associated with Papal supremacy and Laudabiliter in 1541.
The reforms of the 1540s emphasised accommodation, even compromise, from both ends of the ecclesiastical spectrum.
The settlement of 1542 was reinforced with St. Leger instigating various property giveaways that “lured many of Dublin’s most senior clergymen into the web of economic and social relationships.” So much so, that a period of religious consensus and tranquillity lasted until 1546.
St Leger’s reforms extended even to Gaelic Ulster, with the support of the Archbishop of Armagh, George Dowdall of Armagh.
Murray argues that the restoration of Catholicism in the reign of Mary was not prompted by any “groundswell of popular affection for traditional religion,” nor an ideological Counter-Reformation upsurge, but because Dowdall and other “Old English” figures wanted to return to traditional values, to defend the English political and socio-cultural order, and to impose a “standard of civility” on the “wild Irish.”
Hugh Curwen, who became Archbishop of Dublin in 1555, supported the Marian restoration but with the accession of Elizabeth accepted the new oath of supremacy. But he undercut the Elizabethan settlement at almost every turn, baulking at enforcing many of the primary tenets of the Elizabethan settlement.
Curwen’s outward conformity succeeded in protecting the community of the Diocese of Dublin, safeguarding local and customary attachment to the “old religion.”
Murray suggests the failure of the Reformation in the Diocese of Dublin was finally consolidated by the religiously involved policies of the Lord Deputy, Henry Sidney, despite attempts of the new archbishop, Adam Loftus and his lord chancellor, Robert Weston, to effect a “carefully modulated” and “less coercive approach to enforcement” of Reformation.
Murray may be suggesting that despite Curwen’s legacy of sustaining Catholicism under Mary, the Reformation might have been somewhat successful with the “conciliatory and gradualist approach” of Loftus and Weston, were it not for the harsh policies of Sidney, the outbreak of more revolts, and eventually the increasingly hardline stance of Loftus himself, which “decisively alienated the Pale community.” St Leger’s attempts to downgrade Christ Church Cathedral were abandoned after agitated opposition from the leading and loyal citizens of Dublin.
9, No rowing back:
King James I ascended the throne in 1603 … by then the ‘Old English’ had shifted from grudging conformity to open Catholicism
By the 1570s, therefore, at a time when the Elizabethan settlement was consolidating its hold in England, the attitude of the Old English in Ireland was “firmly fixed in recusancy.”
There are some who see the Reformation as an extended process that spanned several centuries, and that the outcome was still in the balance until the 18th or even the 19th century. This attitude is reflected in the debates about the Penal Laws, Catholic Emancipation, the abolition of the tithes and eventually the Disestablishment of the Church of Ireland.
However, this would mean accepting that the Irish Reformation was very different than the Tudor Reformation in England, or the Reformations in other parts of Europe, where the issues were, by-and large, decided by 1600.
By the end of Tudor era in 1603, when James I became king, the divisions in Ireland had become irretractable. The “Old English” had shifted from grudging conformity to open Catholicism. James I, who was interested in conformity in England and who devoted great energy to producing the King James Version or Authorised Version of the Bible, had little interest in Ireland’s religious complexities, and even less to addressing the need to reendow the Church of Ireland.
Bishop William Bedell of Kilmore (right) with Archbishop William Sancroft of Canterbury (left) in a window in the chapel of Emmanuel College … Bedell translated the Old Testament and the Book of Common Prayer into Irish (Photograph: Patrick Comerford)
The first Irish translation of the New Testament was begun by Nicholas Walsh, Bishop of Ossory, who worked on it until he was murdered in 1585. The work was continued by John Kearny, his assistant, and Dr Nehemiah Donellan, Archbishop of Tuam. It was finally completed by William O Domhnuill (William Daniell), Archbishop of Tuam in succession to Nehemiah Donellan. Their Irish translation of the New Testament was printed in 1602.
The Old Testament was translated into Irish by William Bedel (1571–1642), Bishop of Kilmore, during the reign of Charles I, but it was not published until 1680 in a revised version by Narcissus Marsh (1638–1713), Archbishop of Dublin. Bedell had undertaken a translation of The Book of Common Prayer in 1606. The 1662 Book of Common Prayer was translated into Irish by John Richardson (1664–1747) and was published in 1712.
But the foundation of Trinity College Dublin and the translations of the Bible and The Book of Common Prayer came too late for the Reformation in Ireland, and no Caroline settlement in the 17th century or Code of Penal Laws in the 18th century could turn back the tide.
John R Bartlett and Stuart D Kinsella (eds), Two Thousand Years of Christianity in Ireland (Dublin: Columba Press, 2006).
Brendan Bradshaw, The Dissolution of the Religious Orders in Ireland under Henry VIII (Cambridge, 1974).
Brendan Bradshaw, The Irish Constitutional Revolution of the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge, 1979).
Brendan Bradshaw and Dáire Keogh (eds), Christianity in Ireland: Revisiting the story (Dublin: Columba Press, 2002).
Nicholas Canny, The Irish Constitutional Revolution of the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge, 1979).
Steven G Ellis, ‘Economic Problems of the Church: Why the Reformation Failed in Ireland,’ Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 41/2 (April 1990), pp 239-265.
Alan Ford, The Protestant Reformation in Ireland, 1590-1641 (Frankfurt am Main 1985).
Alan Ford, ‘The Protestant Reformation in Ireland’, in C Brady and R Gillespie (eds), Natives and Newcomers: the making of Irish colonial society (Dublin, 1985).
Colm Lennon, ‘The Counter-Reformation in Ireland,’ in Gillespie and Brady (eds).
James Murray, Enforcing the English Reformation in Ireland: Clerical Resistance and Political Conflict in the Diocese of Dublin, 1534-1590 (Cambridge Studies in Early Modern British History Series, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
10.2, The Boyne and the Penal Laws
10.3, Disestablishment and the Ultramontane triumph
Week 9 (13 March 2013) Field-trip: Field trip to Kilkenny: Freshford, Kilkenny Cathedral and Saint John’s, Kilkenny.
Week 10 (22 March):
11.1, From Kant and Schleiermacher to Pugin and Biblical Criticism: rethinking and reshaping Christianity.
11.2, Slaves, soldiers and women: new challenges that shaped new priorities.
11.3, Preparing for the third millennium.
Canon Patrick Comerford is Lecturer in Anglicanism, Liturgy and Church History, the Church of Ireland Theological Institute and an Adjunct Assistant Professor, Trinity College Dublin. This lecture on 8 March 2013 was part of the Church History Elective (TH 7864) on the MTh course, Year I.